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| 1 |
ID:
117227
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the possible evolution of UK electricity demand as we move along three potential transition pathways to a low carbon economy in 2050. The shift away from fossil fuels through the electrification of demand is discussed, particularly through the uptake of heat pumps and electric vehicles in the domestic and passenger transport sectors. Developments in the way people and institutions may use energy along each of the pathways are also considered and provide a rationale for the quantification of future annual electricity demands in various broad sectors. The paper then presents detailed modelling of hourly balancing of these demands in the context of potential low carbon generation mixes associated with the three pathways. In all cases, hourly balancing is shown to be a significant challenge. To minimise the need for conventional generation to operate with very low capacity factors, a variety of demand side participation measures are modelled and shown to provide significant benefits. Lastly, projections of operational greenhouse gas emissions from the UK and the imports of fossil fuels to the UK for each of the three pathways are presented.
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| 2 |
ID:
153957
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To date, more than 650 university presidents across the United States have become signatories of the American College and University Presidents’ Climate Commitment (ACUPCC). A central goal of being a signatory is for a campus to achieve carbon neutrality. This article suggests that bringing the practice of experiential learning to the college classroom is a mechanism to help students understand and become involved in campus carbon-neutrality efforts. More specifically, it discusses the practical realities of using an undergraduate environmental-policy course to create policy proposals for our campus’s 2020 carbon-neutrality goal. The findings support a growing body of literature that demonstrates the value of experiential learning by enabling students to move from theory to practice.
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| 3 |
ID:
076712
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Abstract In the past, international efforts to stop aspiring nuclear powers often came too late, well after decisions to acquire nuclear weapons had been taken and substantial progress in their programs had been made. To be effective, the United States and other key governments must intervene at an earlier stage. By better understanding the factors that may motivate particular countries to opt for nuclear weapons, the intelligence community can help policymakers devise country-tailored policies that address key concerns and reduce incentives for nuclear capabilities. Moreover, by studying the likely technical and political pathways individual countries may take toward a nuclear capability, the intelligence community may be able to identify early indicators of possible interest in nuclear weapons and help policymakers develop strategies for impeding or complicating progress along those pathways.
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| 4 |
ID:
172292
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The arms control approach of more than six decades to deal with the nuclear peril lies in shambles. Nuclear weapons remain in huge numbers, and the dire consequences of their use remain undiminished, with portents of a new era of deadlier weapons and a new spiral of arms race. Hence a detailed and deeper examination of all issues connected with nuclear weapons is called for. Key to this is centrality of nuclear disarmament and the overriding international commitment to abolish nuclear weapons and the premise that nuclear weapons are the instrument of mass annihilation and cannot be used as weapons of war. This basic premise was lost sight of in the political expediency and compulsions of the Cold War and the subsequent play of geopolitics. There is a need to return to this basic premise, which should not be subordinated to political management of a renewed nuclear arms race. In keeping with these basics the pathways to the ultimate goal of abolition have been delineated.
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| 5 |
ID:
159798
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Studies undertaken on female homicide offenders are limited in both number and breadth, particularly within South East Asia. This article has consequently chosen to explore Cambodian women’s narratives of their journeys to prison for homicide offending using a feminist pathway approach. Results show a number of common threads in the women’s stories: childhood instability, economic marginalisation, criminalisation occurring within the milieu of a relationship with a man and limited access to justice and/or ability to benefit from corrupted criminal justice practices. Additionally, six distinct pathways were identified from the narratives: 1) domestic violence pathway, 2) pathway of marital abandonment, 3) traumatic life history pathway, 4) deviant women pathway, 5) pathway of male association, 6) pathway of feminine familial sacrifice.
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| 6 |
ID:
087912
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Generating a convincing model of radicalisation has defied scholars and policy-makers alike. No satisfactory theory exists. Nevertheless, drawing from existing social work literature, this paper seeks to outline the first steps towards a more comprehensive model, asking what drives radicals to join a transnational jihadist organisation?
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| 7 |
ID:
176175
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In the decade following independence, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka all saw ethnic protests as a result of nationalist language policies. The outcomes of these protests varied from peaceful co-optation by the state to civil war. What explains this? Research on ethnic unrest in the region has focused on structural factors, using identity cleavages, social networks, and ethnic fractionalization to explain how an ethnic group may behave during periods of unrest. In contrast, this paper examines three cases of ethnic protests in the context of state response. Tracing the process of the unrest, I identify specific positive or negative state actions as determinants of how the unrest resolves. Where the state bars protesters from access to the democratic sphere, violent conflict results. Where the state actively engages with protesters in the democratic sphere, the protests are peacefully co-opted. The findings show the costs to a state of taking hardline stances with protesters in situations of ethnic unrest and how they may engage with protesters to defuse unrest.
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| 8 |
ID:
150509
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Native Americans have been structurally excluded from the discipline of political science in the continental United States, as has Native epistemology and political issues. I analyze the reasons for these erasures and elisions, noting the combined effects of rejecting Native scholars, political issues, analysis, and texts. I describe how these arise from presumptions inherent to the disciplinary practices of U.S. political science, and suggest a set of alternative formulations that could expand our understanding of politics, including attention to other forms of law, constitutions, relationships to the environment, sovereignty, collective decision-making, U.S. history, and majoritarianism.
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