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1 |
ID:
077098
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
If Belarus becomes a member of the European Union, its role in Europe will differ substantially from that which is played by the "newcomers" (those admitted in 2004) today: unlike Poland or Baltic states, Belarus will be an outpost of "Old Europe" in the east of the European continent.
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2 |
ID:
077096
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3 |
ID:
077092
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Civil 8 and its G8 connection in 2006 thus set an unprecedentedly high standard that has inspired the G8 for the years ahead. Even before her year as host started, the German sherpa team declared that the G8 dialog with civil society pioneered by the Russians would continue on a permanent basis in their year and in those to come.
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4 |
ID:
077099
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Why do we accept organization of European territories in the 21st century along ethnic lines as an uncontested value and goal? It is one thing to restore the independence of nation-states that once existed and were suppressed, but it is quite another thing to create ex nihilo ethnic states, following the "Russian stacking doll" model
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5 |
ID:
077100
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6 |
ID:
077088
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The primary importance of Putin's Munich speech is that it helped to foil
a conspiracy of silence on fundamental issues concerning the global security architecture, that is, on issues that directly concern everyone. The president's speech outlined the borders for a "territory of freedom" - freedom of thought and freedom of speech in international relations
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7 |
ID:
077093
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The immediate post-Riga period should be a time to deepen the NATO-Russia partnership. The Riga Summit marked a significant step in NATO's evolution toward a security provider within and beyond the Euro-Atlantic area. Russia has nothing to fear, and a lot to gain, from this evolution.
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8 |
ID:
077091
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The methodologies being implemented by President Vladimir Putin will continue to determine foreign policy beyond 2008 regardless of who will be the presidential successor in the Kremlin. The key issue will remain the same, namely, what resources and levers can help Russia return to the Greater Orient in practical terms, and whether it needs this return at all.
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9 |
ID:
077090
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The West does not want to see Russia strong; it fears it. However, it seems that it is not the West but Russia itself that is driving the country onto a self-destructive path. The executive power has become hostage to forces whose well-being depends on defense orders. Moreover, under the influence of these forces a new defense policy of Russia has begun to take shape
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10 |
ID:
077094
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Russia can no longer rely on the general assurances of the bloc's good intentions. In the early 1990s, Moscow placed its faith in such promises and got its fingers burnt. Today, it has no intention of repeating those mistakes
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11 |
ID:
077097
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Russia generates a weaker gravitational power than the top trade leaders but, nevertheless, it has sufficient "mass" to attract Eurasian states. Apart from Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan, which definitely belong to its orbit, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan weakly gravitate toward Russia. In their turn, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are local centers of attraction for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan respectively, while Ukraine is the local center for Moldova
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12 |
ID:
077095
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The main lesson from the past 50 years of European history shows that a nation's involvement in the ongoing integration process does not necessarily cause it to lose its sovereignty. However, the next few decades may prove that a country outside the integration process that declares its sovereignty can in effect lose these rights.
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13 |
ID:
077089
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
One of the reasons for Moscow's sharp reaction to Washington's missile defense plans is the arrogance with which the incumbent White House administration makes unilateral decisions on strategic issues. The White House's policy undermines the possibilities for strategic partnership and trust, vital for countering new threats to global and regional security
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