|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
077220
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Growing Japanese Nationalism' has become a subject of intense debate during the last one decade, in particular after revision of the history textbooks, formal recognition of the 'Kimigayo' anthem which reminds one of Japanese militaristic past, and initiatives taken by the Japanese Government to amend the pacifist Constitution. An attempt is made in this study to compare Japanese nationalism prevalent in the pre-World War II period and the type of nationalism emerging in Japan in recent years. Both the nationalisms are qualitatively different. 'Aggressive and militant' nationalism of the pre-World War II period was a response to the environment existing during that period when a large part of the world was colonised by the advanced western countries including China, where each power had its interests and own spheres of influence. Meiji leaders were determined that their country should not suffer the same fate as their neighbour. It was with this objective that the Japanese leadership sought to instil nationalism in the minds of the common people so as extract maximum devotion and support from them for their expansionist foreign policy. On the other hand today nationalism in Japan is basically geared towards seeing that it occupies an important position in world affairs which are commensurate with its being the second largest economy and a major contributor to multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and a major provider of developmental aid and foreign direct investments (FDI). In simple words it wants to be a 'normal' country and not just a follower of the US. It is unlikely that Japanese nationalism will tread the militaristic path as in the pre-War period. This is mainly because the international and the regional environment which exists today is drastically different from the pre-War period. China is no more a weak power and other developing countries which were colonised are emerging powers. Moreover, a peaceful environment is necessary for its economy to prosper. Besides democracy has come to stay in Japan and there are equally assertive groups which strongly oppose any stand taken by the government which may lead to the revival of militarism in Japan
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
077221
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
At the invitation of the US State Department to visit Washington DC and New York in the second week of May 2006, the writer delivered a series of lectures to major US think tanks and met senior State Department officials (and also wrote this article in mid 2006), with a view towards understanding how America views, perceives and reacts to 'emerging Asia' and a 'rising China', which many believe could drastically change the current international economic and political landscape in the next five to ten years. The writer's particular interest was focused on America's appraisal of the 'China threat' today, as extensively made out in the American media over the past two years. The discussions also centred on how Americans perceive the evolving regional Asian architecture (especially when the United States was conspicuously excluded from the East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur on 14 December 2005), and the future place of the United States in Asia (especially in contending with significant Chinese 'advances' into Southeast Asia). What was discovered was surprisingly three major findings or confirmations, namely, a metamorphosing 'China threat' perception in the United States, a feeling of exclusion of the United States from this 'emerging Asia', and a 'decline of Washington's clout and influence in Southeast Asia and in Central Asia'. All these three factors of shift would have severe implications for the American people and market, as well as for Asia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
077217
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Unlike the poverty in the developing world which is more likely associated with undevelopment or underdevelopment of industrial capitalism, the new poverty in advanced cities is induced by the development of a new phase of capitalism that goes beyond industrial capitalism and emphasises the role of knowledge, information, global networks and global finance for capital accumulation and profit generation. This new phase of capitalism represents a transformation from country-based economic systems to city-based ones. Hong Kong as a global city is no exception to this trend. Most of the big advanced cities around the globe are witnessing increasing inequalities of income, job opportunities and job securities, and are turning into 'divided' or 'dual' cities. In these divided global cities, a new group of marginalised urban poor or 'underclass' emerges, and new regimes of urban marginality are established. This article is about the poor and the low-income earning marginalised workers in Hong Kong. Following the social polarisation thesis advanced by Sassen, this article will review the current literature and official statistics to portray and examine the trends of poverty and inequalities in Hong Kong. Then we will attempt to explain how low-skilled and less-educated workers are marginalised and trapped in a vicious cycle of low income and poverty. Specifically, we will draw insights from Esping-Andersen's discussion of a post-industrial stratification order, which combines both the Fordist industrial and post-industrial hierarchies in advanced Western countries to analyse the Hong Kong situation. Our article shows that social polarisation, in its narrowest definition of absolute income polarisation and the disappearing middle, does not happen in Hong Kong. However, there are serious problems on income inequality: a low-income-poverty trap against the lower class, and the spatial and economic segregation towards migrant groups.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
077218
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Urbanisation is the inevitable outcome of world economic development and an unavoidable stage, as also an important factor, promoting and boosting economic development across the world. There are two objectives of this article-to reveal the specific features of Tibetan urbanisation as Tibet is located on 'the roof of the world' with its unique natural, historical and cultural features. The specific features of Tibetan urbanisation can be summarised as low urbanisation when compared to world urbanisation levels, a low starting point and a different background of urbanisation and little urbanisation motivation. The second purpose is to examine whether Mcgee's Desakota model has some relevance in terms of comprehending Tibetan rural urbanisation
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
077219
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This analysis undertakes a preliminary conceptual assessment of the international agency of the European Union (EU) and China in Central Asia. The contention is that the strategies advanced by both Brussels and Beijing in the region reflect not only their desire to introduce a framework of predictability allowing them to make feasible calculations about future intentions, but also the increasing 'fragmegration' of international life. The contention is that the external agency of the EU and China attests to the normative power of their foreign policies. However, the values and norms of the international agency of Brussels and Beijing reflect their distinct experiences and suggest their clashing interests. The article concludes with a brief appraisal of the prospective trends in EU-China interactions in Central Asia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|