Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
122116
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
The free public elementary school is closer to ten-year-old Rita's home than the factory where she works ten-hour days instead of getting an education. Rita lives in Bawana, a slum on the northern edge of New Delhi that is home to more than one hundred thousand impoverished residents. In an effort to showcase a prosperous country to a global audience during the 2010 Commonwealth Games, the Indian government displaced thousands of poor people from their makeshift homes in the capital city's center to Bawana. In exchange, they were all promised access to good paying manufacturing jobs in the nearby factories through which they could lift themselves out of poverty and create a better life for their children.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
077375
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
163944
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Burden-sharing is not just the vogue du jour. It has been a longstanding U.S. desire and is much merited. Yet qualitative, beneficial burden-sharing requires leadership.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
163919
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
China’s role in the United Nations (UN) is steadily rising at a time the United States is seeking burden-sharing and rethinking its multilateral leadership role. This article highlights that China’s increasing role in three critical areas—(1) UN peacekeeping; (2) the work of the UN on human rights, particularly in the Human Rights Council; and (3) the governance of the digital realm and Internet freedom—has significant implications for U.S. interests and broader global governance efforts. Although China’s transformation into a responsible stakeholder in various areas of the UN’s work could be promising, Beijing’s attempts to alter existing liberal norms bear close examination. Those seeking a larger Chinese role in the UN might best be careful what they wish for. Despite the emergence of populism and some skepticism of multilateral arrangements in their domestic politics, the United States and like-minded nations have an interest in reinforcing liberal norms in these three areas of global governance and beyond.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
148590
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
THE HOUSE of Saud may be attempting to modernize its economy, but the gulf between U.S. and Saudi values and national interests is deepening. The divide in values is stark, but it should not obscure the divide in interests—most notably, the role that the Saudi government has played in promoting those very interpretations of Islam that have wreaked havoc across the Middle East and world. A reassessment of the benefit and terms of this alliance is overdue. The Saudi government’s egregious human-rights record has been ignored by a long line of American administrations of both parties in favor of maintaining intelligence sharing, access to oil markets and the joint goal of countering Iranian regional ascendency. This willingness to ignore the actions of the Saudi government toward its own citizens in favor of preserving the status quo has shaped America’s diplomatic relationship. Nothing could be more mistaken.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
173037
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
The United States should meet the People’s Republic of China’s growing influence in Africa by scaling an existing comparative advantage that will demonstrably promote well-being, prosperity, and goodwill: strategic health diplomacy.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
136718
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
A more nimble, realistic foreign-policy strategy requires diplomacy with civil society. At best, it will contribute constructively to political change brought about by domestic actors, serving more liberal rule and U.S. interests.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
155589
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
American exceptionalism is a double-edged sword, often taking the form of a cultural predisposition to promote universal values to the world, but also taking a form of exempting the United States from scrutiny regarding living by those values itself. As 46.1 percent of the American public voted for the latter version of American exceptionalism in 2016, this essay examines several areas of that self-exemption, including treaties the United States fails to sign or ratify, trade policies, trafficking in persons policy, torture in counterterrorism policy, targeting Muslims indiscriminately in drone strikes and screening refugees, transparency lacking in campaign finance, trust in institutions, and the style of populism emergent in the 2016 election. There are prospects for renewal when such a gap emerges between ideas and institutions, based on earlier cycles in American history. U.S. legitimacy as a powerful catalyst for a world order favoring human dignity depends on being an exemplar.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
084849
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
106733
|
|
|