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| 1 |
ID:
098640
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| 2 |
ID:
100040
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| 3 |
ID:
108563
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has clearly emulated Russia's previous example of making loud claims and
increasing military patrols in the Arctic. China will likely become a major player
in Arctic trade routes and become a main destination for goods shipped through
the Northern Sea Route. It is likely that a significant part of future Russian oil
and gas production will ultimately be supplied to China. What are the strategic
implications of China's active involvement in Arctic politics? The Arctic "Great
Game" is often described as a new Cold War between the United States and Russia.
Regionally, the two main protagonists are Russia and Norway. This article makes a
different argument. The Arctic has recently become an issue on the Russo-Chinese,
and possibly Russo-Japanese security agenda. The first goal of this article is to
examine the Arctic policy and strategy of Russia, perhaps the most difficult nation
to understand in terms of Arctic security. The second goal of the article is to
explain how the Arctic has become an issue of concern in Russia's relationship
with China.
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| 4 |
ID:
115903
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arctic ice is melting faster than predicted. In August 2012, calculations based on the satellite imagery indicated that the summer sea ice loss was 50 per cent higher than earlier estimates. 1 Scientific evidence now suggests that the Arctic, by the middle of the century, will be ice free in the summer. Scientists call it the 'Arctic amplification'-the reduction in the ice cover not only reduces the reflection of the sunlight but also increases the absorption of heat as the darker water is exposed.
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| 5 |
ID:
121926
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| 6 |
ID:
126099
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Changes in the Arctic topography due to climate change have resulted in the region, which erstwhile was remote with little accessibility, to being accessible with potential natural resources and attractive navigable sea areas. The prospects have also influenced the strategic contours of the Arctic and brought in many actors that view the region as a resource-rich area with viable commercial interests. The Arctic attraction has gained significance as an economic goldmine with estimates indicating the region to hold about 22 per cent of the undiscovered, technically recoverable resources in the world. The approximate breakdown as per a US Geological Survey report is about 13 per cent of the undiscovered oil, 30 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas, and 20 per cent of the undiscovered natural gas liquids in the world. About 84 per cent of the estimated resources are expected to occur offshore.
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| 7 |
ID:
127987
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZs) have emerged as an important but largely unnoticed
approach towards a nuclear-weapon-free world, overshadowed by the more visible Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Zones established so far cover some 50% of
the world's land areas, including 99% of all land south of the equator and 74% of all land outside
nuclear-weapon states1
(NWSs). Altogether, NWFZs include 119 states and 18 other territories,
with some 1.9 billion inhabitants. Several more NWFZs are currently under discussion-
one of which is a proposed zone to cover the circumpolar Arctic. Such a zone has been
discussed since the mid-1960s, but it has recently become politically feasible following global
warming and the gradual melting of the polar ice-cap.
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| 8 |
ID:
132327
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist explanations for the state and future of the Arctic region dominate the Arctic debate in international relations. While both schools focus on different aspects concerning the current and future state of Arctic affairs - neorealism evokes a confrontational rush for the Arctic's resources, whereas neoliberal institutionalism propagates the necessary reform of the institutional system governing Arctic issues - both share the underlying assumption of significant and rising stakes towards Arctic commodities. However, this article argues that this debate has hitherto failed to substantiate the actual stakes of the main actors involved. Consequently, many studies make grandiloquent statements about prospects of cooperation and conflict and the appropriate institutional framework for the Arctic region, based on only limited empirical support. This article aims to fill this gap by analysing the Arctic oil and gas interests of the five Arctic littoral states (Russia, USA, Canada, Norway and Denmark/Greenland). The analysis shows greatly different levels of interests towards the High North among the Arctic states. The findings make it possible to make more credible statements about the likelihood of confrontation over Arctic resources and necessary institutional adjustments. The evidence shows that the often-evoked issue of geopolitical rush for Arctic resources is unlikely to eventuate. Nonetheless, there remain institutional challenges for the protection of the fragile Arctic ecosystem.
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| 9 |
ID:
136982
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| Publication |
Oxon, Routledge, 2015.
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| Description |
viii, 164p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9781138855991
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058161 | 320.09113/SIN 058161 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
138691
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is unique for its climate and geography: for natural phenomena such as the midnight sun and the Northern Lights, as well as the creatures and the cultures which have evolved there. Throughout human history, it has been viewed with reverence as a special and mysterious place where unique rules apply. However, global warming has begun to reveal the secrets of the Arctic, lifting the shroud of ice, which has veiled the region for millennia, and opening it to ever-greater traffic.
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| 11 |
ID:
148412
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| 12 |
ID:
147767
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN RECENT YEARS, the Arctic has been attracting heightened attention in the world due to the intensive study and use of its natural resources by various countries: the oil and gas resources on the mainland and on the continental shelf, the region's biological reserves and the transport capacities of the Russian Northern Sea Route.
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| 13 |
ID:
193547
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This article defines the Arctic as a political arena and examines the interests and plans of several countries regarding its territory and resources, namely, Canada, Russia, the United States, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. The article highlights the Arctic region’s advantages, emphasizing the priorities of each state to establish control over this territory. The Arctic region is beneficial for the development of economic activity and the protection of the territories of coastal countries, has a significant number of deposits of natural resources and other minerals, and significant transit opportunities. The Arctic region has become a subject of intense interest within the international community. There is a need to strike a balance between economic interests and environmental protection should guide diplomatic efforts to secure the sustainable development of the Arctic region for the benefit of all stakeholders.
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| 14 |
ID:
149479
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While international relations has increasingly begun to recognize the political salience of Indigenous peoples, the related field of security studies has not significantly incorporated Indigenous peoples either theoretically or empirically. This article helps to address this gap by comparing two Arctic Indigenous peoples – Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway – as ‘securitizing actors’ within their respective states. It examines how organizations representing Inuit and Sámi each articulate the meaning of security in the circumpolar Arctic region. It finds that Inuit representatives have framed environmental and social challenges as security issues, identifying a conception of Arctic security that emphasizes environmental protection, preservation of cultural identity, and maintenance of Indigenous political autonomy. While there are some similarities between the two, Sámi generally do not employ securitizing language to discuss environmental and social issues, rarely characterizing them as existential issues threatening their survival or wellbeing.
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| 15 |
ID:
156478
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian policy in Asia and in the Arctic share significantly overlapping elements.
One such element is the precedent set when the UN awarded the Sea of Okhotsk
to Moscow in 2013. Moscow’s subsequent conduct in closing that sea to foreign
shipping and creating a naval bastion there suggest that it may well do the same
should part or all of its very expansive claim to the Arctic zone off its territory
be recognized by the UN. Inasmuch as Russia has now militarized the Sea of
Okhotsk on the heels of the UN award and added thereby innumerable obstacles
to rapprochement with Japan while also militarizing the area still further, the
likelihood of an Arctic bastion, closed zone, and subsequent militarization cannot
be excluded. Meanwhile, in Asia, Russia will continue to remain at odds with Japan
and see much of Asia as composed of hostile and threatening powers that can only
be dealt with in a context of militarization.
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| 16 |
ID:
122374
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If Russia consistently pursues its policy of cooperation with Arctic countries on the basis of the Law of the Sea and with due regard for their common interests in the region, there will be no grounds for attempts to justify NATO's more active involvement in Arctic affairs.
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| 17 |
ID:
170751
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article develops a geopoetic approach to Russian Arctic politics. It rests on the empirical observation that due to climate change, the Arctic landscape is undergoing profound transformations, which has led to multilateral governance efforts but also unilateral pursuits. In this general heterogeneity, Russia’s policies have raised the most pressing questions regarding the country’s motivations to engage in the region. Cultural approaches to global politics are most suitable to create holistic understandings and explanations in this regard, but they lack discussing a spatial dimension of Russian identity. By developing a geopoetic account, the article complements this research through methodological insights from critical geography. Geopoetics focuses on the cultural roots and their cognitive-emotional dimension, on the basis of which claims to the Arctic and related policies resonate with a broader audience. The article argues that Russian policies have their foundation in a utopian ideal of Soviet socialist realism that was widely popularised in the 1920s and later decades. Applying the hermeneutic tool of topos, the article highlights that three features stand out that interweave into a coherent imaginary of the Arctic: first, the heroic explorer; second, the conquest of nature; and third, the role of science and technology. Analysts would do well to bear in mind how the Arctic becomes intelligible when commenting on policies.
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| 18 |
ID:
146271
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the post-Cold War era the countries bordering the Arctic have not secured a framework security treaty for operations in that extreme northern region. While attempting not to miss the considerable potential economic advantages, the Arctic nations have been careful to maintain a well-functioning cooperation mechanism and ensure favorable conditions for developing and investing in the region. However, the existing mechanism has failed to prevent negative global trends from affecting the region. The sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union on investment and the transfer of technologies to Russian oil and gas companies engaged in mineral prospecting and extraction have created a spirit of rivalry in the Arctic between the East and the West.
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| 19 |
ID:
122075
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| 20 |
ID:
126374
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