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| 1 |
ID:
077662
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the allegation that up to 300,000 Kikuyu and others died as a result of the Mau Mau Emergency in Kenya in the 1950s. This figure was based on comparative numbers from the 1948 and 1962 censuses, but they failed to take into account the changes in the tribal classifications and differences in the coverage of the two censuses. Using data from the 1969 Kenya census, we have reconstructed the levels and patterns of mortality in the 1950s, and we show that mortality of the Kikuyu was consistently lower than those of the Kamba, Luhya and Luo peoples. We have also used unpublished data from the 1948 census to estimate infant mortality among the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru prior to the emergency. Using this figure as an indicator of 'normal' mortality, we have compared them with the estimates derived from the 1969 census, and so calculated the number of 'excess' deaths. They amount to perhaps 50,000; more than half of them were children under 10. Given the fragile nature of the data and assumptions, our estimates are subject to large margins of error, but they at least give us an order of magnitude.
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| 2 |
ID:
077665
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within the literature on Ghanaian partisanship, a healthy debate has arisen between those viewing Ghana's two dominant parties as cleaved along socioeconomic lines and those suggesting that this cleavage runs along ethnic lines. Using election results, constituency maps, census data, and a survey of voters' 'cognitive shortcuts', this article weighs in with the debate. The findings suggest that ethnicity matters in Ghanaian elections far more than socioeconomic variables. The findings do not, however, lead easily towards the gloomy predictions that often accompany ethnic politics. The relationship between ethnicity and partisanship in Ghana is far more complex. Data presented here suggest that Asante and Ewe voters are likely to vote for the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC), respectively, regardless of the candidates they select. Voters of other ethnic backgrounds, who make up the vast majority of Ghanaian voters, view the dominant parties as representative of Asante and Ewe interests but do not themselves vote as a block and base their evaluations of the 'Asante' and 'Ewe' parties ultimately on things other than ethnicity. It is this latter group of voters that makes Ghanaian elections unpredictable and discourages politicians from turning national votes into a zero-sum ethnic censes.
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| 3 |
ID:
077664
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article employs the concepts of security culture and norm localization to explore some of the cultural dimensions of the African Union's (AU) security policies. After providing an overview of constructivist accounts of norm socialization in international relations, I use these insights to analyse the origins and development of the AU's security culture. The final two sections explore the ongoing process of norm localization in relation to the two most recent tenets of the AU's security culture: intolerance of unconstitutional changes of government and the responsibility to protect principle. An awareness of the uneven and contested nature of this process helps account for the fact that although these two transnational norms have been institutionalized in the AU Charter and endorsed by the United Nations, they have been internalized unevenly by the AU's member states. External advocates of these two norms would thus do well to help the continent's norm entrepreneurs build congruence between these norms and the AU's security culture.
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| 4 |
ID:
077663
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a 'New Scramble' thanks primarily to its oil and gas wealth, with the United States and the People's Republic of China actively competing for access to Africa's resources. This article aims to scrutinize the claim that Africa is facing a New Scramble, analysing the nature of the economic and political changes at work, the importance of Africa's oil, and the political and economic forces behind the new oil rush. The article starts with an overview of the phenomenon labelled by some as the 'New Scramble'. The main body of the article evaluates the existence of a New Scramble from three subject perspectives: history, international relations, and business studies. Finally, by analysing the likely impact on the economies of oil-producing states, it considers whether we should dismay or rejoice over the 'New Scramble for Africa'. It concludes that the existence of a New Scramble or a US-Chinese race for Africa should be treated with some caution and that the use of terms such as 'scramble' and 'race' is perhaps misleading, while the economic impact of oil investments is likely to be bleak.
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| 5 |
ID:
077661
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is an analysis of the boycott of the polio vaccination campaign in northern Nigeria, which has indefinitely stalled global polio eradication targets. The polio immunization drive was brought to a standstill in July 2003 as religious and political leaders in northern Nigeria responded to fears that the vaccines were deliberately contaminated with anti-fertility agents and the HIV virus. The article explores the political and cultural angles of this controversy, revealing deeper dimensions that have contributed to the rejection of polio vaccines in northern Nigeria. In doing so, it argues that there is an underlying logic to public anxieties often dismissed as 'anti-vaccination rumours'. Although the polio vaccine boycott has proved costly in both economic and human terms, it has opened important lines of communication at global and national levels, potentially deepening dialogue, participation and sensitivity necessary for global health campaigns. Although immunization comes with countless benefits, it is a complex and difficult health strategy to enforce. Decisions on broader health as well as immunization goals are often made at a global level to be incorporated and adapted into national health plans and budgets. Evidently for immunization campaigns, the journey from the global to the local is a vulnerable and unpredictable one.
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