|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
077754
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The war in Iraq led to a confrontation between emerging American and European models for global governance. In imagining the future, each has tended to project its own positive experience in the Cold War years. Europeans imagine a multilateral concert, with confederal institutions encouraging mutual appeasement. Americans imagine a benevolent unipolar hegemony. Experience in the 1990s reinforced America's unipolar perspectives. Trends in the new century make Europe's model seem better adapted to an increasingly plural world system. The conclusion speculates on the European model's relevance to Asia. Much will depend on whether China and Japan can replicate the Franco-German reconciliation. China may have more success "containing" the US within a larger Eurasian or even UN context, including, in some fashion, Europe and the US. Conceivably the Western powers may more easily balance their own relations in a Eurasian rather than transatlantic geopolitical framework.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
077750
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study gives a long-term energy outlook for China by an econometric method. China's GDP growth will be 6.4 percent annually from 2005 to 2030, and the continuation of rapid economic growth could result in a number of difficult issues such as energy security, environment protection and CO2 emissions reductions. China should solve these problems through its own efforts. At the same time, international cooperation such as establishing an Energy Community in the Northeast Asia region is also an important strategic option
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
077752
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Rapid economic growth in East Asia is changing the nature of international relations in the region. In the economic sphere, mercantilist policies of promoting exports and limiting imports contributed to economic tensions between rapidly growing economies in the region and the region's major trading partner, the United States. These tensions over bilateral trade issues began between Japan and United States, moved on next to South Korea and Taiwan, and have now moved from there to China. In the security field, economic growth in China is leading to a major shift in the balance of power in the region. China's steadily increasing GDP is being accompanied by a comparable rise in its military expenditures despite the fact that China faces no obvious external threats at the present time. China's long term desire to be able to defend against any outside power probably means that this increase in defense expenditures will continue for the next decade or two. North Korea continues to be a threat to stability in the region but only because of its capacity to do enormous damage in one last suicidal attack. The one area where China's rising military expenditures could lead to major confrontation on terms very different from those that would occur today is Taiwan
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
077753
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is almost a conventional wisdom now that the centre of gravity of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia-Pacific in recent years with the rise of China and India, gradual assertion by Japan of its military profile, and a significant shift in the US global force posture in favour of Asia-Pacific. The debate now is whether Asia-Pacific will witness rising tensions and conflicts in the coming years with various powers jockeying for influence in the region or whether the forces of economic globalization and multilateralism will lead to peace and stability. Some have asked the question more directly: Will Asia's future resemble Europe's past?1 It is, of course, difficult to answer this question as of now when major powers in Asia-Pacific such as China, India and Japan are still rising and grappling with a plethora of issues that confront any rising power in the international system. But what is clear is that all major powers are now re-evaluating their policy options vis-à-vis the Pacific.
This paper examines India's foreign policy in the Pacific as it has emerged on the last few years. First, the emerging balance of power in Asia-Pacific will be examined in light of the theoretical debate on the issue followed by a broad assessment of the role that India envisages for itself in the region. Subsequently, India's relationship with the three major powers in Asia-Pacific - China, Japan, and the US is analysed. Finally, some observations will be made about the future trajectory of Indian foreign policy in the region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
077751
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Facing the surge of "resource nationalism" in energy-producing countries and the rapid growth of energy demand in China and India, the Japanese government has decided to play an active role in securing its energy import, which decision seems to have received the solid support of the people. Effective support by the government to business, needless to say, is welcomed. However, experience teaches that excessive intervention in energy procurement by non-business sectors would do no good and a lot of harm for Japan's stable energy supply in the future. Furthermore, foreseeing a future energy balance in Japan, the country should refrain from engaging in the so-called "scramble for energy" occurring globally. This paper sets out in detail the argument that it is in Japan's best interests to eliminate to as great an extent as possible any political dimension from an energy product such as oil in order to reduce its importance as a strategic commodity and strengthen its characteristics as a market commodity
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
077749
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The world is facing twin energy-related threats: that of not having adequate and secure supplies of energy at affordable prices and that of environmental harm caused by its use. Soaring energy prices and recent geopolitical events have reminded us of the essential role affordable energy plays in economic growth and human development, and of the vulnerability of the global energy system to supply disruptions. Safeguarding energy supplies is once again at the top of the international policy agenda. Yet the current pattern of energy supply carries the threat of severe and irreversible environmental damage. Reconciling the goals of energy security and environmental protection requires strong and coordinated government action and public support.
The Member countries of the International Energy Agency (IEA) recognise the urgent need to curb the growth in fossil-energy demand, to increase geographic and fuel-supply diversity and to mitigate climate-destabilising emissions. G8 leaders, meeting with the leaders of several major developing countries and heads of international organisations - including the IEA - at Gleneagles in July 2005 and in St. Petersburg in July 2006 called on the IEA to "advise on alternative energy scenarios and strategies aimed at a clean, clever and competitive energy future." The World Energy Outlook 20061 responds to that request. It confirms that fossil-fuel demand and trade flows, and greenhouse-gas emissions would follow their current unsustainable paths through to 2030 in the absence of new government action - the underlying premise of the Outlook's Reference Scenario. It also demonstrates, in an Alternative Policy Scenario, that a package of policies and measures that countries around the world are considering would, if implemented, significantly reduce the rate of increase in demand and emissions
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|