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| 1 |
ID:
094641
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| 2 |
ID:
128999
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Iranian military intervention in Oman (1972-75) proved to be one of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's most successful foreign policy initiatives. He entered at the request of Sultan Qabus to help quell the Marxist rebellion of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman in Dhufar province. The shah took this action without any prior consultation with either Britain or the United States, acting for reasons wholly related to Iran's regional security. In so doing, he angered most of his Arab neighbors, who protested vigorously. He persisted. His troops tipped the balance in favor of the sultan's forces, contributing to a speedy end to the insurrection, for which Iran earned the lasting gratitude of the sultan.
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| 3 |
ID:
111822
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| 4 |
ID:
008685
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| Publication |
Sept 30,1995.
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| Description |
25-35
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| 5 |
ID:
192295
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Oman joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative to pursue economic diversification, the US intervened to stop it. Although the foundation stone for Chinese investment plans was laid in 2017, these projects were put on hold, while the US rushed to bolster its military presence in Oman. The article studies Chinese investment in Oman, accounts for what has developed so far, and highlights the reasons for which the US acted to stem the potential of non-oil development in Oman. The disruption of the China-Oman diversification project resembles the US’s targeting of China’s policy of expansion by mutual cooperation elsewhere, but with a twist: Oman sits close to two vital chokepoints, the Bab Al-Mandeb and the Hormuz straits. The article argues that such obstruction is central to the US’s mode of accumulation by militarism. Keeping Oman from auto-developing and building its autonomy makes of it a pliable client state ready to serve as an imperialist post to empire.
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| 6 |
ID:
119132
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| 7 |
ID:
128789
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| 8 |
ID:
064454
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| 9 |
ID:
138443
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article re-examines the civil war (1963–1976) between the Sultanate of Oman and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman (PFLO), particularly the U.K.’s support of the government. Using archival evidence and private papers, it argues that the counter-insurgency (COIN) campaign’s image as “population-centric” is flawed, and that the British and Omani governments relied more on military measures against the PFLO to recapture Dhofar province than on the “hearts and minds” and civil development programmes emphasised in traditional accounts. It counsels against using Dhofar as a possible example of indirect military assistance in contemporary COIN, arguing that the conflict’s specific historical characteristics may not be replicated now or in the immediate future.
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| 10 |
ID:
092101
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2002 I found myself back in uniform after a series of phone calls which started with Are you available to command a Forward Logistics Site (FLS) ashore in the Middle East?
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| 11 |
ID:
152975
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| Summary/Abstract |
Amid growing animosity and security concerns in the Middle East, the Gulf region appears to be on the way to becoming the new centre of gravity of regional equilibria. The increasingly active foreign policy postures of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is a key aspect of the new regional order in the making. Saudi Arabia and Oman are two examples of this trend. Their involvement in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts reveals important differences regarding the aims, narratives, political and military postures, strategies and alliances pursued by Riyadh and Muscat and casts a shadow over the future of GCC cooperation and integration.
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| 12 |
ID:
071018
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| Publication |
Santa Monica, Rand Corporation, 1995.
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| Description |
xvii, 488p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 037638 | 327.1095353/KEC 037638 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
181870
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| Summary/Abstract |
During his five-decade reign, Sultan Qaboos bin Said relied on heritage as a key tool for nation-building. Old forts and objects central to Omani traditional culture like the coffee urn and the ceremonial dagger became symbols of a unifying national ethos. At the same time, their former political significance was downplayed. But some Omanis have held onto memories of a different conception of the past. And now, after the sultan’s death in 2020, heritage is becoming more of a privatized business sector.
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| 14 |
ID:
095113
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 has produced unprecedented consequences for the internal policies of Middle Eastern regimes, this is not related to the upsurge of democratization that was supposed to spread like a contagion through the neighboring countries. Rather, it is due to the increased impact of the Shi?i issue on the national political agendas of many Arab states. Following the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, many observers thus drew attention to the emergence of what they regarded as a Shi?i "revival" in the Middle East-a perception that the military success of the Lebanese Hizbullah against Israel in the summer of 2006 seemed to confirm.
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| 15 |
ID:
129470
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the nature, construction, and negotiation of identity among Oman's ethnic return migrants called Zinjibaris. Using a social psychological approach, in which ethnic identity is conceptualized as fluid and socially constructed, the study examines how these migrants first define their identity in Zanzibar and then redefine it and forge a sense of belonging on returning to their ancestral homeland. The life stories of four women, representing three generations of returnees, highlight the role played by sociohistorical narratives and Arab descent ideology in constructing a multihyphenated identity-Zinjibari-Omani and Arab-Omani. They also reveal the implications of such an identity positioning for processes of inclusion and differentiation.
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| 16 |
ID:
163230
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature maintains that oil creates a curse on development in countries with weak national institutions at oil discovery, but offers little guidance on the specific institutions that help leaders avoid the curse. We trace rent distribution in Kuwait and Oman, apparent outliers that experienced development despite their weak national institutions at oil discovery. Unlike other examples of the oil curse, Kuwait and Oman contained a strong informal institution that compelled rulers to spend oil revenues on human development: a balance of power between leaders and their domestic rivals. Because informal balances of power are also present in countries with strong formal institutions that avoid the oil curse, this article suggests that the presence or absence of informal balances of power may help account for whether oil is a blessing or a curse.
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| 17 |
ID:
144314
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| Publication |
DelhI, Wisdom Publications, 2014.
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| Description |
iii, 418p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789381505670
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058615 | 337.54053/PAS 058615 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
087962
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| 19 |
ID:
114905
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| 20 |
ID:
110115
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