| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
146123
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| Summary/Abstract |
White Africans are particularly associated with the troubles South Africa and Zimbabwe have faced throughout their histories. The story of the Franco-Mauritians, the white elite of Mauritius, and how they have fared during more than forty years since the Indian Ocean island gained independence, is much less known. However, their case is relevant as a distinctive example when attempting to understand white Africans in postcolonial settings. Unlike whites elsewhere on the continent, Franco-Mauritians did not apply brute force in order to defend their position in the face of independence. Yet the society that emerged from the struggle over independence is one shaped by dominant beliefs about ethnicity. As this article shows, despite a number of inverse effects Franco-Mauritians have benefited from this unexpected twist, and part of the explanation for their ability to maintain their elite position lies therefore in the complex reality of ethnic diversity in postcolonial Mauritius.
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| 2 |
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| 3 |
ID:
014402
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| 4 |
ID:
093811
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| 5 |
ID:
119719
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Power-sharing and inclusion continue to inform contemporary approaches to conflict resolution and post-conflict governance in Africa. But aside from power-sharing efforts in relatively well-institutionalized countries such as South Africa and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, most efforts at formal inclusion have been short-lived. Indeed, many high-profile experiences in power-sharing governments have been failures. African governments and opposition groups do engage in inclusion, but, owing to the non-institutionalized nature of African politics, it is almost always directed toward more limited short-term objectives such as regime survival or material reward that comes with participation in peace processes. Surveying Africa's experience with power-sharing, this article argues that inclusion continues to be a fragile basis on which to build peace.
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| 6 |
ID:
052915
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| 7 |
ID:
151773
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| 8 |
ID:
092682
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| 9 |
ID:
053873
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| 10 |
ID:
020120
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| Publication |
2001.
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| Description |
78-89
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| 11 |
ID:
159558
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese Agriculture Technology Demonstration Centres (ATDC) in Africa are designed to be aid programmes managed by business-driven entities to operate into the future without requiring subsidies from the Chinese government. Such an arrangement requires Chinese staff to perform dual roles as aid workers and businesspeople. This leads to blurred identities and roles among Chinese actors, and misunderstandings among local Zimbabwean partners. The blurred line between aid and business has created misperceptions and tensions among the different actors. Nonetheless, the ATDCs offer an alternative model of aid that deserves further empirical examination.
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| 12 |
ID:
104639
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| 13 |
ID:
062996
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| 14 |
ID:
062986
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| 15 |
ID:
069377
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| 16 |
ID:
064726
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| Publication |
Winter/Spring 2004.
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| 17 |
ID:
142060
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores gender and security sector reform (SSR) in Zimbabwe from 2008 to the present. It firstly postulates that the purpose of gender-sensitive SSR is to transform security services so as to enhance human security, as opposed to having an exclusive focus on state and territorial security. A comprehensive analysis of the policy and legislative framework governing gender and SSR at the global, continental, sub-regional and national levels will be presented, followed by the argument that efforts to reform the partisan and oftentimes non-professional tendencies of the security sector – especially the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, Zimbabwe Republic Police, Central Intelligence Organisation and Zimbabwe Prison Services – to promote democracy have met with firm resistance. However, gender-sensitive SSR has made significant headway in Zimbabwe since it is considered less threatening by the government. It should be noted, nevertheless, that gender-sensitive SSR has the potential to shift levels of professionalism and accountability within the sector as well as change attitudes to enhance security at the personal and communal levels. The process can gradually increase the percentage of women serving in the security sector. In conclusion, recommendations are made to broaden and deepen gender-sensitive SSR as the only viable alternative in the current political environment in Zimbabwe.
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| 18 |
ID:
188640
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines how a rural community in Bocha, Zimbabwe, molded Christianity to suit and serve its local everyday realities. It highlights the coexistence and interdependence between Christianity and the long-standing Bocha people’s traditions. It contends that although ordinary churchgoers internalized Christian idioms and teachings, they did not give up being the Bocha. In doing so, it highlights how existing ways of socialization, social facts, local beliefs, spiritual needs, and customs shaped the understandings of sacred indigenous and Christian spaces. It argues that an existing pre-Christian tenet of tolerance created the right social environment for religious diversity and the coexistence of indigenous and Christian practices and beliefs. Thus, the article points to the persistence of pre-Christian culture within an increasingly Bocha Christian community in the first half of the twentieth century.
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| 19 |
ID:
193192
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores household-level social dynamics of change and their causal effects on future agricultural practices and food security. It does this by employing a place-specific qualitative research methodology in two rural settlements in Shamva District, Mashonaland Central Province. It reveals how these changes have impacted negatively on farm households’ command of assets, including draft power, labour and social networks. Households that had a long history of agricultural excellence started to experience declines in their agriculture, while new households encountered new vulnerabilities. The article concludes by cautioning against any policy that ignores the household as a production unit in Zimbabwe’s agriculture.
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| 20 |
ID:
115877
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