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ID:
111112
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| 2 |
ID:
080061
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| Publication |
Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 2007.
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| Description |
366p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9783631560402
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052934 | 947.52/SOU 052934 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
084803
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article provides a critical reading of various related discourses, depicting the political motives behind the conflict in Chechnya as a battlefield of the global jihad. These narratives have sought to present the involvement of external Islamist groups as a major factor in the conflict, and to portray many of the main groups within Chechnya as subscribing to a jihadist ideology. The authors suggest an alternative narrative focusing on the significance of the blood feud in the societies of the North Caucasus. It is argued that it is necessary to differentiate between the radicalisation of the resistance as such and the strengthening of the ideology of jihad. It is concluded that the resistance currently assumes a supranational character, yet one which is delimited regionally rather than globally.
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ID:
078064
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the fall of the USSR in 1991, there appeared a new player in the South Caucasus whose role in this region used to be of great importance. Iran, once forced to retreat as a consequence of the Russian army's march to the south, has after more than 160 years received an opportunity to conduct an autonomous policy in the region again and attempt - if the geopolitical constellation permits - to realize its ancient strategic aims. Whether Iran will be successful in its attempt to restore its former influence in the South Caucasus will depend on Azerbaijan and - to a greater extent than conventionally assumed - on oil production and transportation issues. It is therefore suggested that Iranian-Azerbaijani relations have been crucial in the formation of the Islamic Republic's foreign-policy agenda in the region and will remain so in the future.
Another variable to be taken into account is the wider international context in which Iran finds itself today, particularly in terms of its relationship with the great powers of Russia, China and the West. Iran's policy may from this perspective be seen as a piece in the mosaic of a Eurasian "grand strategy" of local powers to limit the U.S. presence in the wider region of Central Eurasia. This article is an attempt to analyse Tehran's complex policies vis-Ã -vis its northwestern neighbor, focusing on the context of interstate relations
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| 5 |
ID:
126058
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| 6 |
ID:
121494
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| 7 |
ID:
118750
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The winter months of 2011/2012 marked the 20th anniversary of the beginning of full-scale warfare in the highlands of Nagorno-Karabakh, de jure an Azerbaijani enclave inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians and controlled by the latter and an unrecognized republic that has essentially been claiming independence since the final days of the Soviet Union. The armed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent areas, which with various levels of intensity lasted from the end of the 1980s until 1994 when a ceasefire brokered by Moscow was signed, has greatly shaped the post-Soviet independence of Armenia and Azerbaijan, contributing to the long-term fragmentation of the Southern Caucasus and complicating its integration into world affairs. Indeed, the fundamentals of the regional power constellation that has endured since then were laid down at the beginning of the 1990s, with the Karabakh conflict playing a significant role in it.
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