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| 1 |
ID:
141093
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, the Chinese central state has launched the “new socialist countryside” campaign (NSCC), which authorizes the local state expropriation of rural land from farmers, and then incorporates evicted farmers into township residence and urban citizenship. In affected regions, this campaign enables local state officials to enact practices of bureaucratic absorption that undermine potential resistance by bringing resisters into formal channels of bargaining through both juridical and ideological means. Based on ethnographic data from Sichuan province, this article reveals an in situ process of bureaucratic absorption in “Lan-ding village,” where the incorporation of rural residents into urban citizenship enables the depoliticization of resistance to land expropriation, first by changing the citizenship-based grounds on which legitimate claims to land can be made, then by discursively reframing eviction as a normative shift towards modern wage dependence.
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| 2 |
ID:
078175
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study offers an approach about the nature of peasants and the reasons for their political actions. It examines the views of different parties towards the question on how land should be owned, managed, used, by whom, for whose benefits, and uncovers as well as explains the resulting conflicts over land rights in the Red River Delta since decollectivisation. It postulates that the contending views among parties over decision-making, distribution, and holding of land rights, create dynamics for conflicts, which take place under the form of public resistance, in a number of communities.
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| 3 |
ID:
155549
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| Summary/Abstract |
Brazil is in the midst of perhaps the most sweeping criminalization of indigenous rights in recent history. The “ruralists,” politicians in Congress with ties to the country’s influential agribusiness lobby, are pushing through legislation to rob independent government agencies of the ability to designate ancestral land for indigenous peoples. Brazilian journalist Fernanda Canofre reports on the politics behind the nation’s land battles, which killed more than 60 people last year.
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| 4 |
ID:
121111
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bauxite mineral projects in central India have in recent years generated conflicts over both the physical environment and equitable development for very vulnerable people. In one such project, a joint venture between the state government of Andhra Pradesh and a private investor, attempts are currently being made to open up land constitutionally reserved for India's Scheduled Tribes. The final outcome, though still uncertain, depends not only on the relative material resources of the opposing parties, but on a drawn-out process of contestation where the discursive resistance to tribal land dispossession has strong historical roots and many active supporters. Thus, for the project's promoters, their advantage rests on their ability to create confusion via superior access to, and control over, information, rather than relying on their direct authority.
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| 5 |
ID:
144258
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice.
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| 6 |
ID:
187018
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| Summary/Abstract |
Instances of civil unrest and disorder have pockmarked the mainly peaceful functioning of multiple Pacific states in recent decades. This paper examines factors which can be seen as fault lines for predicting and mitigating such unrest, with a particular focus on Fiji and Solomon Islands. Drawing on data collected through interviews with youth advocates and activists, it becomes clear that the common justification of ‘ethnic tensions’ for past unrest and fears of future unrest being necessitated by a ‘youth bulge’ oversimplifies the complexity of factors that lead to disorder. Issues of land rights, uncertain livelihood futures and public perceptions of inequality provide more salient framings for understanding why citizens engage in unrest. Indeed, it is perceptions of injustice and inequality which may well prove to be the greater indicator of the likelihood of any future destabilisation.
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| 7 |
ID:
099880
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The development of factor markets has opened Chinese agriculture for the penetration of capitalism. This new round of rural transformation-China's agrarian transition- raises the agrarian question in the Chinese context. This study investigates how capitalist forms and relations of production transform agricultural production and the peasantry class in rural China. The authors identify six forms of nonpeasant agricultural production, compare the labor regimes and direct producers' socioeconomic statuses across these forms, and evaluate the role of China's land-rights institution in shaping these forms. The empirical investigation presents three main findings: (1) Peasant differentiation : capitalist forms of agricultural production differentiate peasants into a variety of new class positions. (2) Market-based stratification: producers in capitalist agriculture are primarily stratified by their positions in labor and land markets; their socioeconomic statuses are linked with their varying degrees of proletarianization. (3) Institutional mediation: rural China's dual-track land system plays a crucial role in shaping the diverse and unique forms of capitalist production.
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| 8 |
ID:
153538
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article calls attention to the role of capital, large capital in particular, in recent reforms to China’s system of household registration (hukou). It argues that a tripartite alliance between agrarian capital, urban capital, and local governments arose in the first decade of this century and has become a major force driving locally initiated hukou reforms. The main goal of reform has been to facilitate the transfer of land rights from rural residents so that rural land could be used to generate profits and government revenue. While rural residents are compensated for the loss of land rights, many face increasing insecurity in their livelihoods. The article is based on an extensive survey of local policy documents and a case study of Chengdu Municipality in Sichuan Province.
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| 9 |
ID:
157199
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| Summary/Abstract |
Statutes and policy documents, as well as open-ended interviews in Zhejiang, China, were used to identify key aspects of rural land law reforms in China to help develop the national economy. It has been observed that despite its positive effect on general rural economic development such development is compromised by extensive corruption that harms peasants’ interests. Peasants face new forms of exploitation by local governments and businesses, as well as environmental damage caused by over-exploitation of land and resources that becomes a serious hurdle for sustainable development in rural areas.
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| 10 |
ID:
083602
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Collective ownership of agricultural land and the remains of the administrative management of rural economy have imposed considerable insecurity on the land use rights of Chinese farmers. This insecurity constrains the movement of rural people, who fear that migration will jeopardise what land use rights they do enjoy. In this paper we describe the idiosyncratic uncertainty of land use rights, and verify its influence on migration decisions, with a special focus on the duration of migration
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| 11 |
ID:
105181
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2011.
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Cambodia has undergone substantial changes since the United Nations' sponsored election in 1993. Politically, the country has become increasingly stable under the domination of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Economically, Cambodia has achieved an unprecedented level of economic performance, with GDP growth averaging almost 10 percent annually during the five years preceding the current economic crisis. In spite of these improvements in political and economic conditions, land rights have emerged as a major issue affecting the lives of many poor Cambodians. Comprehensive overall analysis of land policy reforms in the country remains lacking, however, and this article fills a void in the existing literature. Our analysis shows that despite land policy reforms in the past decade, Cambodia's land rights problems continue unabated. What accounts for this development? Through analysis of government land policies, an array of primary documents, and interview data from government officials and investors, this article questions the relevance of Cambodia's land policy reforms. Its central premise is that although past collectivization and weak governmental institutions have contributed to land rights issues, it is neopatrimonialism-a mechanism that dictates political interaction among the elites and between the elites and the electorate and resources governance and distribution-that perpetuates land rights problems and limits land policy reform.
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| 12 |
ID:
181947
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| Summary/Abstract |
The development of land rights programs is deeply rooted in power relations. Using discourse analysis, this paper unpacks how Western logics (assumptions and conventions) regarding ‘best practices’ for property rights institutions and tenure security impact the design of peacebuilding programs. In 2017, the Government of Timor-Leste passed a controversial Land Law Package. These laws were initially developed for a USAID land reform program. But local dynamics, actions, and interests were ignored. Examining civil society exclusion from decision-making infers a reluctance to acknowledge local voices and practices that threaten liberal peacebuilding interests. This paper is organised into two parts. In the first, we argue that peacebuilding ‘best practices’ reflect how dominant Western discourses create conceptual boundaries (‘violent hierarchies’) to restrict the recognition of indigenous ideas as legitimate. In the second, we examine Timorese civil society efforts to improve the land reform program through acts of resistance to bodies of authority. Overall, we illuminate how in Timor-Leste Western assumptions and conventions contributed to boundaries to local participation, which contradicts liberal narratives of empowerment and capacity-building.
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| 13 |
ID:
102252
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| 14 |
ID:
131816
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study considers the conditions under which China's massive internal migration and urbanisation have resulted in relatively governed, less contentious, and yet fragile migrant enclaves. Shenzhen, the hub for rural-urban migration and a pioneer of market reform, is chosen to illustrate the dynamics of spatial contestation in China's sunbelt. This paper first correlates the socialist land appropriation mechanisms to the making of the factory dormitory and urban village as dominant forms of migrant accommodation. It then explains how and why overt contention has been managed by certain intermediate agencies in the urban villages that have not only provided public goods but also regulated social order. It ends with an evaluation of the fragility of urban villages, which tend to facilitate urban redevelopment at the expense of migrants' living space. The interplay between socialist institutions and market forces has thus ensured that migrant enclaves are regulated and integrated into the formal city.
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| 15 |
ID:
100581
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article highlights the way in which Chinese protestors resisting home eviction and demolition have begun to develop innovative, media-savvy tactics for winning public sympathy for their causes and framing their plights as unjust, and considers the political implications of this trend.
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| 16 |
ID:
122789
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Green-grabbing has recently been suggested as a label for describing processes of dispossessions undertaken in the name of conservation in sub-Saharan Africa. For the case examined here, the Dukuduku forest and the Mfolozi flats in northern KwaZulu-Natal, we will argue that the label obscures more than it helps illuminate the complex processes leading up to the present-day struggle over land rights. The land in question has been subjected to a number of different land uses in the past: hunting, conservation, commercial agriculture and small-scale agriculture. We show how contestation over desirable future land use options lies at the heart of the problems raised by an ongoing land claim to the forest.
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| 17 |
ID:
146640
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Millennium Development Goals guided international poverty reduction efforts from 2000 until 2015 and they will be succeeded by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which will be guided by a new set of goals, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is argued here that since the process of formulating SDGs, targets, and indicators for their implementation brought together actors with different (and sometimes competing) issue frames, values, and agendas for discussions that clarify the content of norms and their scope, this process can bring about norm contestation and norm change. This article uses an issue that was raised in the context of the SDGs – land rights – to illustrate processes of international norm contestation, evolution, and change. In doing so, it contributes to the growing body of literature that views norms and their content and boundaries as dynamic.
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| 18 |
ID:
094447
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Single-party, authoritarian states such as Vietnam are frequently characterised as having 'closed' political opportunity structures and 'un-free' socio-political systems. The validity of this observation depends, however, on the viewer's frame of reference. Seen from the perspective of active citizens, Vietnamese political structures offer increasingly greater space for collective action than a state-centred institutional analysis would predict. Episodes of contentious politics surrounding land disputes and public parks during 2007 provide evidence of the changing dynamics of participation in politics. Actors involved in these and similar campaigns are broadly optimistic about the future prospects for an opening of political space within the existing system. These findings are contrasted with international reports of violations of political rights and with the Vietnamese government's own efforts at legal reform. Although signals remain mixed, to some extent Vietnam might be becoming a 'rice-roots democracy' in practice, while remaining a single-party state. The voices and experiences of civil society actors will continue to shape opportunities and risks in the expansion of political space.
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| 19 |
ID:
173876
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| Summary/Abstract |
Land rights to women is one of the significant markers of a gender-just society. It is a basic human right that provides welfare, economic and social security, strong bargaining power and various other benefits. Ownership right over land is also critical to the citizens in terms of exercising and availing rights guaranteed by the state. Based on a narrative from the fieldwork done among the Bodos in Assam, this paper explores the significance of land rights in accessing various rights and welfare programmes and how women are affected in this regard due to lack of land rights. It discusses how a woman’s lack of rights over land can lead to a status of homelessness and place her in a socially and economically precarious position. The landlessness or homelessness status restricts her from accessing various benefits provided by the state. In this context, the paper also looks into the social construction of gendered norms on land rights of the Bodo community. Construction of societal norms on individual’s rights over landed property, inheritance are generally determined by kinship and affinal ideologies of a community. Such norms are often gendered that deny rights to women over this material resource. The most affected are the single, widow and separated women who have no support from the families. Communities having patriarchal ideologies consider women as passive, dependent and secondary subject and accordingly, gendered norms are constructed. Even the state apparatuses, which is often male-dominated, locate woman within the realm of the family and design policies for women as ‘beneficiaries’ and ‘dependents.’ The gendered norms on land rights of a community have a broader impact that goes beyond the community level and enmeshed with the affairs of the state.
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| 20 |
ID:
170804
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How does large-scale land reform affect electoral stability and the prospects for election violence? While scholars have theorized elite-level logics of land distribution, few studies analyze the effects of land reform on the attitudes of ordinary citizens, and the implications such reforms have for electoral violence. The article uses an original survey and qualitative interviews in coastal Kenya to examine the effects of the Kenyan government’s recent land titling campaign, the most ambitious and extensive since independence. It theorizes and tests the micro-mechanisms through which the selective distribution of land rights in the pre-electoral period heightens or lowers the stakes of an electoral outcome by altering levels of political trust and perceived threat. Results indicate that title deed beneficiaries are more likely to trust political institutions than non-beneficiaries. Yet, while title deed recipients are more likely to trust state institutions, they are also more likely to fear the electoral process compared to non-beneficiaries. The findings reveal how the perceived stakes of an election can vary across local spaces. Where political trust is low and threat is high, citizens may view elections as particularly high-stakes events and, thus, may be more willing to take on the costs of participation in violence to ensure their preferred political outcome, or to defend themselves against anticipated attacks.
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