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| 1 |
ID:
123204
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| 2 |
ID:
006889
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan Press Ltd, 1997.
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| Description |
viii, 189p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
0333601688
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 038759 | 947.08/WAL 038759 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
127008
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Twenty years after it was established, Russia's post-Soviet political system is still experiencing problems. The system is subject to such disorder and dysfunction that even the most loyal government official cannot help but notice. Russia's political system does not ensure that the objectives for which it was designed can be accomplished. The system's capacity to accumulate resources of various types (material, ideological, and human) and to distribute them is weak and continues to deteriorate, while the system's expenses are exorbitant. Moreover, it is becoming increasingly difficult to control the political system. Public trust in the government and other political structures is very low and the relatively high ratings of individual politicians cannot make up for it. The very same ratings, which in essence form the only bastion of the regime, face the risk of a sudden collapse.
We have almost forgotten that politics should have a value component (the fascination with perestroika proved to be short-lived). The absence of value guidelines beyond accounts of benefits and costs turns politics into a nasty parody of itself and deprives it of power and functionality.
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| 4 |
ID:
114176
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2012.
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This article is concerned with the attitudes of the nascent Russian 'middle class' towards the privatisation of housing. It focuses on the questions of whether private ownership had an impact on these people's understanding of 'home', whether it resulted in greater satisfaction with their housing, and whether it gave them the sense of being 'stakeholders' in Russian society. The principal research method was a questionnaire emailed to people in Moscow, St Petersburg and three provincial cities. A history of housing in Soviet Russia is also provided, along with an overview of research on housing and the home in other industrialised countries.
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| 5 |
ID:
117395
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2012.
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"PUBLIC PASSION of Pussy Riot" has subsided. The verdict has been passed. Foreign Minister of Russia Lavrov told the journalists in Finland: "Let's not coming to snap judgments and getting into a tantrum." The Russian Orthodox Church's High Council said in a statement: "We appeal to the public authorities to show mercy, within the law, on the convicted." Timing was perfect: despite the pressure from the laity the top Church figures preferred to keep their opinions to themselves until the verdict had been passed. The Orthodox Christians, nevertheless, are adamant: leniency might provoke others to similar acts in other churches.
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| 6 |
ID:
140888
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
London, Macdonald and Co. (Publishers) Ltd., 1970.
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| Description |
217p.: ill.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004913 | 947/TAR 004913 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
121015
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article is devoted to the changes in the analysis in contemporary Russian press of the approaches towards Russian policy in the Far East in connection with the events of the Chinese-Japanese War in the mid-1890s, when the focus of the international contradictions shifted to the Far East. All of these real and presumed events began to attract more attention from Russian society and the Russian press. The fact of the Chinese defeat in the war against Japan made the Russian press of all political persuasions reconsider and reform their points of view with respect to China and the Far East in general.
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| 8 |
ID:
147813
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The article is devoted to an analysis of the attitudes of the different social groups of Russian society toward the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878. The author based her analysis on the memoirs, diaries, and epistolary heritage of contemporaries. The author reveals the attitudes of Russian society on the eve of and during the war. The author emphasizes the support of the war by the Russian peasants and the common people, who expressed their deepest sympathy to the suffering of the South Slavs under the Turks, as their brothers in faith. The author gives the analysis of the attitudes of the Russian nobility and the clergy toward the events in the Balkans. According to the author, the attitude of the nobility was controversial and also included personal motivations. The author reveals the opinions of contemporaries, which differ from the views of some modern historians who base their assessments on the statements of the members of the volunteer movements and data from police reports. On the other hand, one can suppose that for the majority of Russian volunteers in the Balkans, personal gain was quite compatible with a sincere desire to help Slavs as brothers in blood and most likely, as suffering fellow believers.
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| 9 |
ID:
078200
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sovereign democracy" carries two simultaneous messages to Russian society. The first message says that we are a party wielding state power and a sovereign elite, and the sources of our legitimacy are found in Russia, not in the West, like it was during the 'guided democracy' of the Yeltsin era. Second, being a power-wielding force, we are the guarantors of Russia's sovereignty and survival in the context of globalization and other external super-threats
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| 10 |
ID:
032048
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| Publication |
London, Pall Mall Press, 1968.
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| Description |
x, 293p.: ill.hbk
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| Standard Number |
269670963
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002788 | 947.084/SOR 002788 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
123202
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| 12 |
ID:
137472
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| 13 |
ID:
137474
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Relying primarily on field research in the Siberian city of Omsk, this essay analyses a variety of ways in which state patriotic terminology is used by individuals and groups through the study of organisations and activities that deploy the patriotic label, such as schools, museums, youth clubs, and summer camps. Analysis based on field work suggests that although patriotism includes a basic consensus about the homeland, a clue to the success of the concept is its capacity to be appropriated, distorted, or embedded in diverse understandings and practices. Easily ‘captured’ by different actors according to their needs and goals, patriotism also appears to be deeply rooted in the personal and the private. Everyday patriotism is thus far from being reduced to its top-down or official dimension. While patriotism is a tool that officials efficiently use to promote their political goals, it is also a symbolic resource that Russian society uses in its attempts to reformulate a new collective identity.
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| 14 |
ID:
116040
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