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| 1 |
ID:
054471
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| 2 |
ID:
052915
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| 3 |
ID:
009319
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Oct 1995.
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| Description |
433-442
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| 4 |
ID:
075789
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Australia has historical links to the contemporary states of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei through the British Empire and Commonwealth. While Australian relations with these countries in more recent times have been influenced by a range of factors, the Commonwealth connection remains significant. Politico-cultural tensions complicated the Australian relationship with Malaysia during the Mahathir era from 1981 to 2003. Nevertheless, the substantive aspects of the relationship remained strong. There was potential for cultural tensions in the relationships with Singapore and Brunei but no major rifts developed; Singapore has been a key partner for Australia in the region. Thus Australia has strong relationships with the three states of Commonwealth Southeast Asia in the areas of security, economics and education, with the imperial and Commonwealth past being a contributing factor in each case
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| 5 |
ID:
073210
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| 6 |
ID:
075785
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2006.
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The bilateral relationship between Australia and the UK has been an extremely significant relationship for Australia, albeit one that carries with it considerable historical baggage. This article offers an overview of some key issues in the bilateral relationship, with a particular focus on the years following the second world war. Underpinned by ties in defence and security, trade and investment, and a multitude of social and cultural connections, the relationship remained strong - although sometimes irritable. With the 1960s and 1970s came profound changes, affecting practically every aspect of the relationship and unravelling some fundamental Australian assumptions, including those about the Commonwealth of Nations. The article concludes by briefly examining prospects for the contemporary bilateral relationship
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| 7 |
ID:
075788
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2006.
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While Australia did not single-handedly scuttle the prospects of a more tightly knit Commonwealth arrangement in the Pacific Islands, its security ambitions have worked against the development of such ties. This article identifies three key turning points, beginning from 1944, where Australia opted for alliance arrangements that undermined closer Commonwealth ties with and among the Pacific Islands. As the region's hegemonic influence, Australia's decisions have been a significant factor in shaping the contemporary Pacific Islands regional system. Canberra's active commitment and backing would have been essential for closer Commonwealth connections to be developed in this varied and remote region. Yet Australia's search for security in the Southwest Pacific has denied the Commonwealth the benefit of such unqualified support. Commonwealth ties are still a factor within the Pacific Islands region in such areas as contemporary political relationships, including the maintenance of Westminster traditions, but they are probably not what they might have been.
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| 8 |
ID:
075790
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2006.
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When republics, beginning with India in 1949, were first admitted to the Commonwealth of Nations, Australia remained strongly attached to the Crown and the King's (later the Queen's) role as Head of the Commonwealth. Indeed, many Australians had seen a shared Crown as axiomatic, and a symbol of Commonwealth unity. Despite bursts of republicanism in Australia during the 19th and 20th centuries, it was not until the 1990s that a republic appeared likely. One historic driver of anti-British Australian republicanism has been the Irish heritage of many Australians. As republicanism grew, it was important that Australia could remain in the Commonwealth as a republic. The past decade has seen a stronger sentiment in Australia than in the other 'old Dominions' - New Zealand and Canada - that national independence and identity require the symbol of a home-grown head of state, rather than one seen as British. The growth of republicanism in such countries, and in Britain itself, would be likely to encourage republicanism in Australia. Australia's republican majority has been frustrated by its inability to agree on a model for parliamentary selection or direct election of the president. No Commonwealth country provides a model which Australians find compelling.
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| 9 |
ID:
162225
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Many political theorists dismiss Augustine as a pessimist about politics, assuming his “otherworldly” account of love precludes hope for this-worldly politics. This article challenges this pessimism by applying recent research on Augustine's “order of love” to reconstruct his implicit order of hope. Analyzing neglected sermons, letters, and treatises, I argue that Augustine encourages hope for temporal goods as long as that hope is rightly ordered and avoids the corresponding vices of presumption and despair. I then identify “civic peace” as a common object of hope that diverse citizens can share. By recovering hope as a virtue and reframing civic peace as a positive form of civic friendship, I argue that Augustine commends a hope for the commonwealth that avoids both presumption and despair. I conclude by analyzing how Augustine's vision of the commonwealth can inform contemporary political theory and practice.
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| 10 |
ID:
073214
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| 11 |
ID:
095266
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2010.
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The crisis following China's intervention in the Korean War led to a significant rift between the United States and the Commonwealth at the United Nations (UN). This article examines the conditions under which the Commonwealth became united and was able to directly influence UN decision-making. It concludes that, when united, the Commonwealth could not easily be ignored by Washington, and thereby acted as an agent of constraint upon the Western superpower.
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| 12 |
ID:
105399
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2011.
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This is an extended version of Philip Murphy's inaugural lecture as director of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, delivered on 23 February 2011. It traces the relationship of the UK with the wider Commonwealth over 40 years, paying particular attention to the rhetoric of governments and opposition parties from Wilson and Heath to Cameron. It examines the reasons for the Commonwealth being relegated to a peripheral role in British foreign policy, especially European preoccupations and the issues of Rhodesia and South Africa. It argues that the Commonwealth remains of considerable practical and enormous symbolic importance to the UK. The British government should engage with the Commonwealth more than it has done in the recent past and the Commonwealth should be both open to and critical of its imperial past.
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| 13 |
ID:
079672
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2007.
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Canada has long been a major player in the Commonwealth. This essay will assert that Canada has the ability and opportunity to redefine its place in this organization and assume a greater leadership role. Reviewing Canada's involvement within the official and unofficial institutions of the Commonwealth is the basis for an examination of the role played by this multilateral organization in Canada's foreign policy. A discussion of the costs and benefits of Commonwealth membership generates some recommendations. Given Canada's pursuit of an avowedly stronger international presence since 2003, the perception that it has been a model nation in managing a diverse society, and its active role in responding to failed and fragile states (especially in Haiti and Afghanistan), there is an opportunity for Canada to seek an even greater leadership role within the Commonwealth, although to be successful this expression must be backed by the necessary domestic public support that can be translated into political will.
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| 14 |
ID:
103862
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2011.
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Climate change presents a useful case in the study of small states because their interests can be differentiated from larger states. Small states are expected to respond to international politics, not to lead. The development of the climate regime has seen small states engage in a 'grand strategy' to achieve climate change mitigation. The apparent powerlessness of small states and the nature of the public good problem are central to understanding small states' negotiating power in the climate regime. They have capitalised on their victim status and the common interests of all states to act as regime leaders; but they have not achieved all of their objectives in terms of access to finance and technology. This suggests that while small states share the difficulties of other developing states in pursuing value-claiming goals, they may have a comparative advantage as norm-entrepreneurs.
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| 15 |
ID:
025387
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| Publication |
London, Elek books Ltd, 1970.
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| Description |
288p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
236176579
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005762 | 954.93/ZEY 005762 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
100592
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE SPACE of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) remained a Russian foreign policy priority in 2009. These countries are our close neighbors and strategic partners with which we have common tasks of economic development and modernization, ensuring regional security and achieving a more just world order. Respective principles have been repeatedly confirmed at the highest possible political level, including in D. A. Medvedev's programmatic article, "Forward, Russia!" which was published in September 2009. The correctness of this line was confirmed by the overall development of international processes in 2009, characterized by the growing regionalization of global politics not least under the impact of a global financial and economic crisis and movement toward a polycentric international system.
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| 17 |
ID:
085950
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| Publication |
2009.
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While trends towards secularization may have appeared inexorable as the last century came to a close, more recent events, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11, have led to greater attention being paid to the resurgence of religion globally. But how to represent and portray religion, with respect and understanding, in this new environment may contain significant challenge-a subject which this paper considers in the light of two recent Commonwealth Reports. The Report of the Commonwealth Commission on Respect and Understanding, entitled Civil Paths to Peace, chaired by Amartya Sen, and presented recently to the Commonwealth Heads of Government summit in Kampala, Uganda, seeks to downplay any single-minded concentration on religion in favour of promoting broader civil engagements in crafting civil paths to peace. In contrast, the Commonwealth Foundation's Report, Engaging with Faith, treats religion more sympathetically and encourages understanding and cooperation between the faith communities. The former Report may tend to treat religion as part of the problem, while the latter might view religion as part of the solution. Thus, the two Reports illustrate contrasting and conflicting views as to the place of religion in efforts to promote global peace and development along the path to respect and understanding.
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| 18 |
ID:
105398
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The UK Coalition government, coming to power in May 2010, has already shown a more positive and purposeful approach to the Commonwealth than any of its predecessors. There is every reason for optimism that this will be maintained. This article gives an outline of the work and special character of the Commonwealth and looks forward to the report of the Eminent Persons' Group, the Perth Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting and Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth's forthcoming Diamond Jubilee.
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| 19 |
ID:
144148
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Konark Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
xxx, 325p.hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. XIV (1 January 1949 - 31 December 1949): Sardar Patel supports membership of Commonwealth, stresses need for wider role in other countries, assures
princes of privy purses, praises services for their patriotic role, stresses uniform
code of law, reservation for scheduled castes for ten years only, Hindi to be
national language within ten years, elaborates his economic policy.
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| Standard Number |
9789322008444
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058597 | 954.035/CHO 058597 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 20 |
ID:
131377
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