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| 1 |
ID:
092497
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite its dogmatic image, Hamas has a tradition of debate in its ranks. It is shown below through critical articles and manifestos composed in the years 1993-2007 by senior members of the movement. The common denominator among all these documents is their critique of the consensus in Hamas. Oriented pragmatically rather than theologically, the writers cover Hamas' most important issues and are diverse in their styles and structures. By analyzing these documents we can peer into Hamas' 'political-ideological kitchen'.
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| 2 |
ID:
161227
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| 3 |
ID:
094134
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| 4 |
ID:
078412
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article challenges the static approach to Hamas as a simple fundamentalist organization by analyzing its political documents. It shows that Hamas' Islamist ideology has not prevented it from moving from fundamentalism to radicalism. Hamas has innovated ways of allowing its leaders to declare or acquiesce in political positions that contradict its fundamentalist creed. Hamas accomplished this change in the course of a domestic debate. The international boycott of its government did not create the change - Hamas began to talk in two voices before winning the 2006 elections.
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| 5 |
ID:
111720
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In early August 2011, on the same day that Hosni Mubarak - once president of Egypt, now convicted for conspiring to kill protesters during the demonstrations that led to his ouster - was lying on a hospital bed in a Cairo court cage, Israeli Labor Member of Knesset Benjamin Ben-Eliezer revealed an amazing secret. He told the media that he and Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu had offered Mubarak political asylum. The offer came shortly after Feb. 10, 2011, the day when Mubarak transferred his authorities and left Cairo to go to his Sharm al-Sheikh palace. Sharm al-Sheikh is not far from Eilat, the city where Israel offered him asylum.i
Had Mubarak accepted this offer, Israel would clearly have put itself in the position of being the Arab people's enemy, perhaps not far behind Bashar al-Assad, the Syrian president, and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya. Mubarak's rejection rescued Israel from a very unpleasant situation, yet the proposal shows that Israel prefers the old order. Whereas many people around the world see mostly hope for this region, Israel sees risks. The Arab Spring is Israel's winter. No one has expressed this idea more eloquently than the skillful orator (in American English) Netanyahu.
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| 6 |
ID:
082288
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the wake of the June 1967 war Israel annexed Jordanian Jerusalem and adjoining territories, creating a single municipality with a large Palestinian Arab minority. After forty years Jerusalem is still a frontier city. In this article I show how and why Israel failed to achieve its goal to unite the Palestinian and Israeli cities. Consequently Israel developed several strategies to overcome her failure, ignoring the inability to achieve the unachievable goal. Therefore I argue for accepting the unavoidable partition of the city into separate Palestinian and Israeli municipalities due to its social, economic, and geographic realities.
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| 7 |
ID:
084659
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| 8 |
ID:
154047
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares Palestinian refugees and exiles’ written accounts of their visits to their places of origin in present-day Israel. The discussion is based on texts published by educated, upper-middle-class Palestinians living in the diaspora or in the West Bank, who made their visits as private citizens. After surveying the existing literature on refugee visits their homes in other post-conflict zones, the article discusses an aspect of Palestinian visits that previous studies have left untouched: the encounter between visitors and present occupants.
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| 9 |
ID:
081149
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| Publication |
New York, Columbia University Press, 2007.
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| Description |
xi, 235p.: maphbk
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| Standard Number |
9780231139045
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053260 | 956.94054/KLE 053260 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
101453
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| 11 |
ID:
126889
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2000, and especially since the Annapolis conference in late 2007, Israel has been busy augmenting Jewish presence in east Jerusalem. The expansion of Jewish settlements stifles Palestinian urban growth and makes the prospect of an Israeli-Palestinian accord on Jerusalem even more difficult.
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| 12 |
ID:
190252
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| Summary/Abstract |
Next year will mark the 30th anniversary of the Oslo Accords. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had accepted the two-state solution five years earlier, and Europe had adopted it eight years prior to that in the Venice Declaration. Since then, the reality in the territories Israel occupied in 1967 has changed radically. Readers of this journal are very familiar with these changes and there is no need to repeat them here. The argument about apartheid vs. settler colonialism, and whether the apartheid includes the 1948 territories, is interesting but not relevant to this article. What is relevant is the reality of the new situation. And a new situation demands that we courageously examine the validity of our past thoughts and actions.
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