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| 1 |
ID:
078664
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese interpretations of the Lisbon Strategy fall mainly into two different aspects: one focuses on the more or less neo-liberal orientation of the Lisbon Strategy, the other tries to assess the implications of this orientation toward the norms of national social welfare states. This article focuses on one of the main tool deployed by the Lisbon Strategy, i.e., the "innovation", discussed its definitions, contents, practices and constraints. The article concludes that the direction of the Lisbon Strategy is more important than the quantitative goals it has set up to achieve, and China can in many ways learn from European experiences reviewed in designing and implementing the Lisbon Strategy
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| 2 |
ID:
078665
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
the EU and North Korea could have been expected. However, it was argued that the EU's position towards North Korea is likely to remain unchanged. Most of the existing studies ascribed the reactive attitude of the EU to the distinctiveness of the recent enlargement. The accession of a large number of new members, which are considered to have diverse foreign policy interests and perception, is likely to add up to the already overwhelming number of problems in the governance of the EU. Thus, the EU's policy towards North Korea would rather concentrate on a soft security approach. However, this paper contends that the existing explanation is not exhaustive, but that the implications relating to the conception of smallness, which is relevant to most of the new member states, should be included in the parameters of analysis in order to generate a more comprehensive and balanced view where the future relationship between the EU and North Korea is concerned.
The preliminary draft of this paper was presented at the International Conference of the Korean Society of Contemporary European Studies, November, 25, 2005, at Seoul, South Korea. I appreciate all the comments and helpful advice made at the presentation.
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| 3 |
ID:
078663
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2007.
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Although relations between the EU and China have considerably improved over recent years, Brussels and Beijing still disagree on a number of key issues. These include the EU embargo on arms sales to China, various bilateral trade disputes, problems of illegal migration and, last but not least, Brussels' refusal to grant China MES. It is this last point that this essay will scrutinise. In doing so, it will firstly present the Chinese point of view on the question. The Chinese believe that, in view of all the efforts they have made in the course of their ongoing transition towards market economy, they deserve to be granted MES without delay. Indeed, Beijing has lately put this issue very high on its list of foreign policy priorities and, claiming that it is victim of discriminatory treatment, has been exerting ever stronger political pressure on the EU and its Member States. Yet Brussels, arguing that China does not yet fulfil the necessary requirements for being granted MES, has until now resisted this pressure
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| 4 |
ID:
078662
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2007.
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During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however, the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities is the primary focus of this paper
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| 5 |
ID:
078660
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2007.
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In 2006 Asian-European Meeting, ASEM, turned 10 years old. Reaching this milestone justifies critical reflections of the first decade of the dialogue forum, and debate on the directions for the second decade. When looking at the previous success of ASEM, and when planning for the new directions of European-Asian cooperation, one must keep in mind that this vast area covered by ASEM includes many drastically different value sets and definitions of what constitutes success and failure in Asian-European cooperation. From the European perspective, it is important to remember that many of the European approaches and institutions of international cooperation are not necessarily seen by Asians as being optimal for ASEM. In order to assess how Europe should view the approaches and institutionalisation of ASEM, it is important that we know how the expectations of Asians and Europeans differ, and how the different Asian and European approaches to international cooperation manage to bring results. These are the questions tackled here.
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| 6 |
ID:
078666
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2007.
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This paper describes the European Union (EU) presence in Indonesia. It firstly discusses the reorientation of EU relations with Indonesia. It might be argued that the reorientation has been supported dominantly by economic and political motivations as consequences of the EU's internal dynamics (such as single market; CFSP), the global dynamics and the rise of inter-regionalism. Secondly, current economic relationships show that the EU presence has been very significant for Indonesian economy, in term of international trade, investments, foreign exchange rate, debt, development assistance and business activities.
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| 7 |
ID:
078661
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2007.
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Agriculture has been the most contentious issue in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the European Union (EU) intervenes substantially in agricultural markets. This paper reviews these interventions in light of the EU's participation in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations with specific attention to Asia. It concludes that the offers made by the EU were designed precisely to avoid any real liberalization in its agricultural markets and have undermined the development aspirations of the round.
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| 8 |
ID:
078667
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2007.
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The three major oil importing countries of Northeast Asia-China, Japan and South Korea-are concerned about future security of energy supplies to fuel their dynamic economic activity. Currently all three countries are highly dependent on imports of oil from the Middle East, a region with inherent political instability. Russia's rich reserves of oil and gas in Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East offer an obvious alternative. Given the geographical proximity of Russia and its desire to increase its energy exports to Northeast Asia, there is huge potential for cooperation. So far there has been no real intra-regional cooperation and no common external policy towards Russia. Despite obvious differences between Europe and North East Asia, the European model of energy cooperation, developed over the past 50 years, offers some useful lessons.
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