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| 1 |
ID:
161289
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the impact of Brexit on British–Irish relations to date. Etain Tannam shows how the intergovernmental relationship has flourished, but highlights the challenges posed by Brexit. She argues that strong British–Irish intergovernmental relations are essential to manage the challenges. A formalised institutional framework is and will be essential in the absence of common EU membership. To this end, the Good Friday Agreement’s British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference should be revitalised.
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| 2 |
ID:
078783
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main aim of this article is to examine the role-perception and operation of European Commission officials towards Northern Ireland and the peace process. A relative gap in the theoretical literature, until recently, on the Commission's endogenous preferences is highlighted. The main conclusion is that the European Commission's preferences towards conflict resolution in Northern Ireland have altered since 1994 and that Commission officials exhibit a greater analytical understanding and proactive approach to Northern Ireland. The cause of this change has not been socialization into `European' supranational norms, but instead has reflected the impact of British and Irish cooperation and agreement.
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| 3 |
ID:
111678
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2012.
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The aim of this article is to determine the EU's effect on British-Irish and Greek-Turkish cooperation. It examines the EU's actual and potential role in fostering British-Irish and Greek-Turkish cooperation as well as its policies to Northern Ireland and Cyprus themselves. Domestic bureaucratic capacity and institutional design are put forward as explanations for the success of the British-Irish relationship rather than EU membership per se. In the case of Cyprus, the article suggests that increased bilateral cooperation with respect to disputed territory is unlikely to occur in the absence of faster bureaucratic change in both Greece and Turkey. EU membership is not a causal factor in the evolution of cooperation and conflict resolution.
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| 4 |
ID:
122782
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this essay an evaluation of the content and determinants of the EU's response to the ICJ is provided. Two core questions are addressed: firstly, did the ICJ's judgment alter EU policy towards Kosovo and Serbia and, secondly, was EU policy towards Kosovo and Serbia effective? It is argued that the EU's response to the ICJ's judgment in 2010 has been consistent and effective, but that the underlying determinants of the policy have not changed since 2008. It is argued that the EU's response to the ICJ's judgment in 2010 has been consistent and effective and that the ICJ judgment has had a catalytic effect on the EU's influence over Serbia and the Serbia-Kosovo relationship. Overall, EU policy has been effective, despite being periodically ad hoc.
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| 5 |
ID:
105645
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article applies rational institutionalism, to the case of the British-Irish relationship. Hypotheses are drawn about the role of institutions in advancing cooperation. In section two an overview and analysis of British-Irish agreements and policymaking processes are provided. In section three, the role of institution-building in causing British-Irish cooperation is highlighted. In conclusion, the enduring relevance of rational institutionalism to the British-Irish case is highlighted and its potential to understand conflict in the 21st century is stressed.
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| 6 |
ID:
189723
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Dublin Castle stands as a signifier of both conflict and conciliation between Ireland and Britain over recent centuries. On 16 January 2022, all of Ireland’s mainstream political parties gathered there on the centenary of the castle’s handover by the last lord lieutenant of Ireland, Viscount FitzAlan of Derwent, to the provisional government of Ireland led by Michael Collins, which took place after the Dáil endorsed the 1921 Treaty. Jarlath Kearney, Peter Shirlow and Etain Tannam show that a century after that treaty and the partition of the island, the facts and themes flowing from that period – particularly ongoing identity and culture contests over Northern Ireland’s constitutional status – remain live. It is essential in managing future challenges that British-Irish intergovernmental cooperation thrives and that the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is implemented robustly. This is not simply because of Northern Ireland, but because of the host of geopolitical and international security challenges ahead.
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