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ID:
078818
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the changing relationship between Ireland and the United States in the 21st Century and argues that the new security climate within the US following the 9/11 attacks (combined with long-term social changes in both countries) is having a major impact on the relationship between Ireland and the US. The central argument is that Irish-America is undergoing a period of fundamental change, caused by a combination of short-term political factors linked to the attacks of 11 September 2001 and their aftermath, together with longer-term economic and social trends taking place in Ireland which has greatly reduced the flow of migrants from Ireland to the US
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| 2 |
ID:
078819
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ethnic gang violence is often depicted as a clash between criminals pursuing instrumental advantage or as one between ideological fanatics pursuing collective nationalist, ethnolinguistic, or ethnoreligious rights. However, there is an apparent tension between the conceptualization of such violence as the rational self-interest of deprived individuals, and as the irrational fanaticism of anomic communities. The examination of one particular ethnic gang, the Betawi Brotherhood Forum which operates in Jakarta, Indonesia, indicates how both dimensions of violence coexist and interweave. The apparent analytical tension between individualistic pragmatism and collectivist moral absolutism is resolved by showing how the gang responds to their disillusionment with the state by constructing for themselves a "state proxy" role. This response is portrayed as based upon "ressentiment" - the "faulty rationality" which marginalized individuals adopt so as to translate their clashes of material self-interests into the moral conflict between stereotyped communities - the virtuous ethnic Us against the demonized ethnic Other
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| 3 |
ID:
078822
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
War-related nationalism helped Italian Americans re-elaborate their ethnic identity between the turn of the twentieth century and the end of World War II. Although most Italian immigrants and their offspring lacked some sense of national consciousness upon arrival in the United States, they developed it following Italy's 1912 conquest of Libya. They also consolidated their national identity during World War I, strengthened that self-perception after their motherland annexed Ethiopia in 1936, and retained it into the late 1940s despite pressures toward Americanization in World War II.
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| 4 |
ID:
078821
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the question of how multiethnic states can manage the relationship between the ethnic majority and the minority. It identifies a series of alternative strategies and methods and applies this classification to two states, Israel and Turkey. The article compares the approaches the two states have taken in dealing with their largest national minorities, and explains how and why these approaches have differed. The article demonstrates how Israel and Turkey adopted two fundamentally different regimes - a civic regime in the case of Turkey and an ethnic regime in the case of Israel - and two different policies towards the largest minority in their midst, assimilation in the case of the former and marginalization in the case of the latter. In both cases, however, the outcome of these policies has been confrontation between the national minority and the state and its ethnic majority. The article concludes by arguing that this similar outcome is due to both states' failure to adopt a genuinely accommodationist approach toward their national minorities
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| 5 |
ID:
078820
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this research note is to describe how Turkey's Armenians, who are the largest non-Muslim minority group in the country, define their identity, and to understand which factors contribute to the perpetuation of a dominant Armenian identity. This discussion is based on a field survey of Turkey's Armenian community, conducted in Istanbul between November 2004 and May 2005. Evaluation of these surveys based on both quantitative and qualitative methods brings us to the conclusion that it is possible to argue about the degree of dominance of Armenian identity over Turkish national identity amongst Turkey's Armenians, more than 95 per cent of whom live in Istanbul, and that the strong community ties play a significant role in maintaining Armenian culture and, therefore, strengthening Armenian identity.
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