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| 1 |
ID:
078916
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Developments in the national consciousness of Arabs in Israel are addressed in three consecutive periods, each representing a phase in the evolvement of the Arabs in Israel as a national minority, characterized by unique political and ideological developments. Following the establishment of Israel, Arab national consciousness was relatively subdued, given the imposition of a military government regime in Arab-populated areas and the physical isolation of Israel's Arabs from the Arab world. The second period, from 1967 to 1993, symbolized the national awakening of the Arabs in Israel in a process, which came to be known as Palestinization, which was strongly influenced by their renewed contact with the Palestinians in the occupied territories and by the rise of the Palestinian national movement. During the third period, from 1993 to the present, the national dilemma of the Arabs in Israel was further accentuated by the 1993 Oslo Accords, leading to recurrent attempts by Arabs in Israel to reformulate and propose alternative models to the 1948 paradigm of minority-majority relations in Israel. This article examines these developments in terms of ideology, politics, and means of protest
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| 2 |
ID:
078917
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the most difficult problems Israel has faced has been securing sources of energy. That existential reality explains the secrecy that Israel has kept relative to the various means it has employed to overcome these difficulties. However, recent declassification of Israeli documents facilitated the publication of several academic works which emphasized and explained the major solution of the state's oil problem during 1957-77-the evolving relations with Iran. Still, the climax of these economic relations, in the joint venture of the Eilat-Ashkelon oil pipeline during the late 1960s and early 1970s, has not yet been analyzed using the new government records. The article illustrates that Israel had been preoccupied with plans for the project long before 1967. It also provides an analysis of the intricacies of the Israeli-Iranian dialogue on the subject, and uncovers some unknown elements of Tehran's and Jerusalem's complementary and conflicting perspectives
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| 3 |
ID:
078918
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers, in the context of Israel's dominant culture, the divergences and convergences of collective-identity formulations among veteran Mizrahi communities and Russian-speaking Jews (RSJs) of recent arrival. This work draws from empirical evidence collected recently and asks about the kind of multicultural reality that those populations contribute to Israeli society. These populations arrived during different periods and found very different settings; their motivations were different as were the human capital resources that they carried with them. Above all, their cultural orientations were poles apart. We found among them collective identities which differ drastically from each other and are in opposition with dominant culture. There are common identity elements. By retaining aspects of their singularity, they "join forces" with other sociocultural constituencies to imprint new dynamics on Israeli society which has entered an era where multiculturalism has become a major aspect of the social order. The sharp divergences between the forces at work also reveal the conflictual character of Israel's version of multiculturalism which are making Israeli society more multicultural through a multiplication of divergences. They use the political sphere to pursue their own interests while at the same time prompting new societal challenges. Together they have made "conflict" a major pattern of insertion in Israeli society.
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| 4 |
ID:
078919
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the existing tension between multiculturalism, i.e., the accommodation of different cultural, ethnic, and religious traditions, and the support for a universalistic welfare state. The universalistic welfare state and its distributional activities reflect the institutional expression of the modern state's commitment to the welfare of all its citizens and their integration into the national community. The bonds of belonging to the general national community seem, however, to be seriously weakened by the ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity nowadays dividing some modern western societies and seem thus to be inimical for the support of the universal welfare state and its integrative functions. These tensions are explored within the context of Israeli society. Many critics claim that multiculturalism has its limits. The particular claim made in this article is that the ethno-cultural diversity of Israeli society strongly affects the commitment of the population to a universalistic welfare state, weakening the support for it. This becomes of particular importance at times when the country is in the process of rapidly changing its traditional social democratic welfare regime to a mainly liberal, American, style of welfare regime
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| 5 |
ID:
078920
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