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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
114582
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One hundred years after the 1911 Revolution (Xinhai Revolution) in China, its meaning continues to be highly contested. Paradoxically, the more time that passes, the less certain either political actors or scholars seem to be about the significance of 1911 for the path of Chinese revolutionary history. This essay examines three phenomena: the appropriation of 1911 in contemporary political and popular culture; the use of 1911 as a metaphor for contemporary politics by PRC historians; and the changing meaning of 1911 over the past ten decades, particularly during the years of the war against Japan. The essay concludes that it is precisely the "unanchored" nature of 1911, separated from any one path of historical interpretation, that has kept its meaning simultaneously uncertain and potent.
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| 2 |
ID:
187961
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| Summary/Abstract |
Is China a revolutionary or revisionist power in the international order? Debates along these lines run the danger of creating an opposition which isn’t really there. China’s stake in the global order is dependent on material factors, as well as the desire over time to shift norms so that ideas of aggregate economic growth and national sovereignty take precedence over transnational concepts of individual rights.1, 2 Unlike Russia, which has a clear interest in destroying key parts of the existing global infrastructure particularly in Europe and the Middle East, China has many motivations to preserve or slowly adapt aspects of the existing international order. China is central to the global economy in a way that Russia is not, energy aside; that means that many more countries are dependent on links to China, but also that China itself would find disruption all the more damaging. However, China certainly finds many aspects of the contemporary order deeply irksome, such as its concentration on individual civil liberties as a core element of the human rights agenda, or the continuing debate over the “responsibility to protect” across sovereign borders. Its priority has been to find ways to maintain the structures of contemporary order while seeking to redefine or reinhabit them in ways that better suit its interests.
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| 3 |
ID:
103309
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's long war against Japan from 1937 to 1945 has remained in the shadows of historiography until recently, both in China and abroad. In recent years, the opening of archives and a widening of the opportunity to discuss the more controversial aspects of the wartime period in China itself have restored World War II in China ('the War of Resistance to Japan') to a much more central place in historical interpretation. Among the areas that this issue covers are the new socio-political history of the war that seeks to restore rationality to the policies of the Guomindang (Nationalist) party, as well as a new understanding in post-war China of the meaning of the war against Japan in shaping Cold War and post-Cold War politics in China. In doing so, it seeks to make more explicit the link between themes that shaped the experience of World War II in China to the war's legacy in later politics and the uses of memory of the conflict in contemporary Chinese society.
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| 4 |
ID:
140945
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| Summary/Abstract |
The end of the Second World War in Asia came so quickly that there was no time for the Allies to work out the shape of the new regional order. Indeed, the subsequent fall of the Nationalist Chinese regime and the isolation in Asia of the People's Republic of China meant that no such integrated order was established, with the US instead playing the dominant organising role. In this article, Rana Mitter explores how, in the years since the end of the Cold War, a rising China has started to use the previously downplayed legacy of wartime victory in 1945 to make claims about territory in present-day East Asia.
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| 5 |
ID:
103311
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that the first phase of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945 saw a significant change in the relationship between state and society in China, leading to a greater use of techniques of classification of the citizenry for purposes of welfare provision and mobilization through propaganda, methods until recently more associated with the Communists than with their Nationalist rivals. The paper draws on materials from Sichuan, the key province for wartime resistance, showing that the use of identity cards and welfare provision regulations were part of a process of integrating refugees from occupied China into the wider wartime society, and that propaganda campaigns were deployed to persuade the local indigenous population to support wartime state initiatives. Although Nationalist efforts to mobilize the population in wartime were flawed and partial, they marked a significant change in the conception of Chinese citizenship.
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| 6 |
ID:
133998
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The world does not lack for trouble spots in 2014, when tragedies in Ukraine and the Middle East have dominated Western headlines. Less prominent in recent months has been the potential for clashes between China and its neighbors in the South and East China Seas. Yet this is a region where a large proportion of the world's population lives and the world's second and third biggest economies (China and Japan) are located, with the single largest economy (the United States) also exercising a powerful regional role. A clash here would have global repercussions.
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| 7 |
ID:
079308
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2007.
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| Description |
xii, 384p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9780674024717
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052714 | 950.42/JAG 052714 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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