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| 1 |
ID:
137529
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| Summary/Abstract |
For all the tremendous change China has experienced in recent decades—phenomenal economic growth, improved living standards, and an ascent to great-power status—the country has made little progress when it comes to the treatment of its ethnic minorities, most of whom live in China’s sparsely populated frontier regions. This is by no means a new problem. Indeed, one of those regions, Tibet, represents one of the “three Ts”—taboo topics that the Chinese government has long forbidden its citizens to discuss openly. (The other two are Taiwan and the Tiananmen Square uprising of 1989.)
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| 2 |
ID:
079630
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Korean ethnic education in Japanese public schools has played an important role in the persistence of Korean ethnicity in Japan. In Osaka Prefecture, it began as an educational movement at the end of the 1960s. Japanese and Korean activists who led the movement had different political commitments and developed two approaches. Those interested in Korean homeland politics stressed the importance of teaching the ethnic culture of the homeland and tried to develop an ethno-national identity among Korean children. Those involved in civil rights politics in the context of Japan focused on the problem of ethnic discrimination and facilitated the formation of a political subjectivity among Korean children. The old practice of Korean ethnic education is a form of multicultural education and provides many useful ideas for today's multiculturalist teachers in Japan, who are dealing with children of newcomer foreigners.
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| 3 |
ID:
160020
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main objective of this study was to illustrate the cultural changes that have taken place among Korean ethnic groups living in the Central Asian states of the former Soviet Union. Previous research on Korean minorities has demonstrated the impact of state intervention on the formation of ethnic identity. Despite a wide range of regional differences, those living in Korea in the nineteenth century belonged to one ethnic group. Once they left the northern part of the country for Russia, they began to adopt Russian culture relatively quickly. Following their deportation to Central Asia in the 1930s, they then experienced a largely Soviet model of inclusion into mainstream society. However, since the 1980s, when confronted with ‘original’ Korean culture, they now consider themselves to be dissimilar to other Korean groups. The differences are already so substantial that Koreans themselves now talk about belonging to different nations.
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| 4 |
ID:
117189
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Mas malupit ang mga Koreano kaysa mga Hapon' is a rumour about Koreans in Second World War Philippines that has persisted to this day. A comparative, quantitative statement, it is roughly translated as 'The Koreans committed more atrocities than the Japanese in Second World War Philippines'. This is a half-true memory: true, there were Koreans in the Philippines; false, they could not have committed more atrocities than the Japanese because there were very few of them, as archival evidence discussed in this article proves. If only the Koreans and their role in the war were properly discussed in Philippine textbooks, this rumour would not have persisted to this day.
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| 5 |
ID:
098378
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over half a million ethnic Koreans found themselves in the post-Soviet states after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Caught up in the political and economic transformation of these countries, they faced the necessity of constructing their own strategies for survival and resettlement. Briefly explaining the formation of Russian Koreans' primary diasporas in their historical context and focusing on the diasporians' mobility in the post-Soviet era, this study will show how the destruction of the constraints of the authoritarian period together with the collapse of the regime itself affects diasporas and enlarges the spaces available to them. Addressing the issue of the diaporians' relationship to place and space, this article attempts to contribute to the conceptualization of the construction of new diasporic spaces and the discussion of mobility decision making, suggesting that diasporians, who had been long deprived by various constraints of the right to choose their place of residence, have comparatively high mobility and construct newer, much more sophisticated and far-flung diasporic layers.
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| 6 |
ID:
151055
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article challenges many long-held assumptions about the treatment of Koreans in Occupied Japan (1945–1952). The central premise of this article is that scholars have treated “race” and “nationality” as equivalent categories of analysis. During the Occupation, Koreans were legally Japanese nationals, notwithstanding their Korean ethnicity or their desire to be recognized as “Korean nationals.” Nationality is an appropriate lens through which to study Koreans in Japan since they were legally Japanese nationals, but both North Korea and South Korea claimed them as their own nationals. By using the Koreans’ Japanese nationality as the unchanging fact, this article examines how race, nationality, and ideology intersected into the early Cold War in Asia to deal with a Korean population in Japan that was overwhelmingly in support of North Korea’s Kim Il-sung. This article brings to light a secret Cold War plan to deport tens of thousands of leftist Koreans from Japan during the Korean War to United Nations prisoner-of-war camps in South Korea. Since Koreans in Japan could not be legally deported from their ostensible home country (Japan), Occupation authorities devised a rationale that would overcome legal barriers.
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