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| 1 |
ID:
158321
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| Publication |
Maryland, Naval Institute Press, 2017.
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| Description |
x, 178p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781682471593
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059370 | 359.03/ROW 059370 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
017598
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| Publication |
Oct 2000.
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| Description |
16-24
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| 3 |
ID:
039833
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| Publication |
New York, Stein and Day, 1980.
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| Description |
xii, 263pPbk
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| Standard Number |
0-8128-6156-6
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029489 | 940.544/OVE 029489 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
105600
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| 5 |
ID:
108690
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| 6 |
ID:
132632
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the outbreak of World War I, President Woodrow Wilson explained his policy: "A powerful Navy we have always regarded as our proper and natural means of defence…. We shall take leave to be strong upon the seas, in the future as in the past; and there will be no thought of offence or provocation in that. Our ships are our natural bulwarks. Today, our natural bulwarks are crumbling. Seth Cropsey's 2013 book Mayday: the decline of American Naval Supremacy warns that if left unaltered, current defence cuts and procurement policy will destroy the global presence of the US navy.
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| 7 |
ID:
128001
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| 8 |
ID:
147843
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In May 2015, the Information Office of the State Council published a new white paper on China’s military strategy stating that “overseas interests [had become] an imminent issue.” Accordingly, China has embarked on a build-up aimed at making itself into a “sea power,” mainly in the Indo-Pacific region, in order to deter a US intervention in Taiwan and to protect its trade in the Indian Ocean. China has acquired a medium-sized aircraft carrier with a tenth of the capability of a US super-carrier and is learning the ropes as fast as the more experienced and poorer Russia did in the early 1990s. As a source of pride to its citizens, China’s aircraft carrier program plays into the hands of the Communist Party to demonstrate its legitimacy and success. And yet, China has not yet tried to challenge the superiority of the US Navy on the “far seas.” With three or four carriers, China will remain a regional navy with global reach leading India, the UK, and France at that level.
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| 9 |
ID:
001740
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan, 1999.
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| Description |
xx,198p.
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| Standard Number |
0312220375
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 041358 | 359/DOR 041358 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
128281
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines recent developments in the South China Sea; in particular, the China-Vietnam relationship. The developments are presented in the broader context of the Sino-Vietnamese approach to managing border disputes since full normalization of relations in late 1991. The challenges for China and Vietnam in managing their disputes and related tension in the South China Sea are also discussed.
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| 11 |
ID:
155634
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| 12 |
ID:
148379
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| Publication |
Singapore, World Scientific Publiishing Co. Pte. Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
xliv, 253p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789814619387
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058856 | 359.030951/HAI 058856 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
128280
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2014.
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China's responses of turning its back on the compulsory arbitration initiated by the Philippines on 22 January 2013 with respect to aspects of the South China Sea dispute between them under Article 287 and Annex VII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and failing to participate in constituting the five-member Arbitral Tribunal raise issues of whether the arbitral process has or can be halted by China and whether China's nonparticipation is in its best interest. This article examines the legal effects of China's actions and China's policy options with respect to the arbitral procedure started by the Philippines.
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| 14 |
ID:
137275
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Developments at both the doctrinal and operational level suggest that the ‘post-modernisation’ of China’s PLA Navy (PLAN) has started. Issues such as the maritime disputes in the East and South China Seas and how to create a network of bases or ‘footholds’ outside Asia might slow down or temporarily halt this process. However, as China’s economic presence expands on a global scale, its security interests and those of the international community will overlap increasingly with one another. Consequently, once its transformation has been completed, the PLAN is likely to become a global and cooperative force.
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| 15 |
ID:
160636
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of World War II, classical geopolitics as a particular form of realism has been disengaged from the development of mainstream realist theories. This disengagement has not only concealed the value of classical geopolitics as a framework of analysis for policy and strategy, but also created an increasing rift between theory and policy in contemporary realist theories. This paper seeks to reengage classical geopolitics with mainstream realist theories by clarifying its realist traits and analytical characteristics, (re)stating its core propositions and probing into its potential contribution to the development of mainstream realist theories. This paper contends that classical geopolitics, while having a distinctive pedigree, can arguably be considered an integral part of the family of realist theories in view of its basic theoretical assumptions concerning international anarchy, the unit of analysis and power politics. As a framework of analysis, classical geopolitics incorporates three interrelated strategic propositions. Those three propositions not only constitute the theoretical core of classical geopolitics, but also manifest a peculiar balance-of-power conception that is essentially distinct from those proposed by mainstream realist theories. This paper argues that those three propositions combined promise to fill in prominent lacuna in the balance-of-power research programme, and also have significant implications for contemporary world politics.
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| 16 |
ID:
133402
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
the trade of the world commands the riches of the world and consequently the world itself. For in war . . . the common sense of some and the genius of others sees and properly applies means to ends; and naval strategy, like naval tactics, when boiled down, is simply the proper use of means to attain ends. But in peace, as in idleness, such matters drop out of mind, unless systematic provision is made for keeping them in view.
The last great sea battle occurred in 1944. Since then the world ocean has been open to free navigation by all nations as a matter of American policy. The ability to enforce this policy-or perhaps better said, the absence of serious challenges to this policy-has been in significant part a product of the superiority of the U.S. Navy. Despite a latent and partial challenge during the Cold War by the Soviet navy, since World War II the degree and persistence of U.S. Navy superiority have led most people to take it for granted and have caused the old term "command of the sea" virtually to disappear from the naval lexicon.1 However,
the emergence of a powerful Chinese navy and an associated land-based seadenial force is stimulating a new focus on sea control and overcoming antiaccess/ area-denial efforts. New concepts, such as "AirSea Battle," are being developed and investments made in platforms, weapons, and systems. This activity is critical to American strategic interests and prospects, and it must be informed by an understanding of command of the sea as a foundational concept of sea power. A reconsideration of command of the sea is all the more necessary as political, economic, and technological developments have significantly changed the nature of how sea power influences the dynamics of geopolitical interactions. This article will argue for an extended definition of the term and its renewed application to naval strategy and doctrine.
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| 17 |
ID:
128283
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the Chinese legal framework in relation to ship recycling and suggests that the various legislation, standards, and opinions provide disorderly and nosystematic regulation. A uniform law specifically regulating the ship-recycling industry should be adopted by China, with a single competent authority empowered to supervise ship-recycling activities, that will effectively implement the 2009 Hong Kong International Convention for the Safe and Environmentally Sound Recycling of Ships.
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| 18 |
ID:
133389
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his classic collection of essays on maritime geography The Interest of America in Sea Power, Present and Future, Alfred Thayer Mahan opined that the importance of "portions of the earth's surface, and their consequent interest to mankind, differ from time to time."1 Just as the Mediterranean Sea once transfixed the minds of European strategists and policy makers, Mahan believed, at the turn of the twentieth century, the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea would obtain similar prominence in American strategic thinking. A century later, as we observe the relative balance of economic and military powers shifting to Asia and the Pacific and Indian Oceans, Mahan's teachings on geography are again instructive, as once seemingly insignificant bodies of water and island chains take on a new importance in regional security matters.
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| 19 |
ID:
109929
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| 20 |
ID:
181963
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| Summary/Abstract |
The strategic-military significance of the recent discovery of extensive natural gas fields in the eastern Mediterranean works against Israel’s traditional reluctance to become a sea power. But any “turn to the sea” will require adopting a broad national and strategic mind-set in the face of cultural constraints that keep Israel tied to the land.
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