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ID:
158320
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| Publication |
Maryland, Naval Institute Press, 2017.
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| Description |
153p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781682471685
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059369 | 359.03/LAM 059369 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
147990
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) is a cause for major concern in New Delhi as it provides a basis for Beijing to increase its geo-strategic footprint in the Indian Ocean. Notwithstanding the Chinese posture of allaying India’s concerns with respect to the massive outreach and implications of MSR, calling upon its neighbour to join the effort with a “friendly, open, cooperative attitude”, New Delhi has, naturally been cautious and calculative in making headway on the issue. Although Beijing had invited New Delhi to join the project in 2014, the Indian response has been negative.
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| 3 |
ID:
128568
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2013.
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In a series of articles, the author takes a look at cuts, cost and affordability in order to speculate about what could have been and what might be.
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| 4 |
ID:
146595
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The fractured maritime mandate in India and the involvement of multiple agencies and ministries for matters maritime, make it complicated to achieve synergy. The UWR, Goa is a defence facility under the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Earth Science in mandated to provide R&D support for ocean related aspects, the we have the Ministry of Shipping and Ministry of Science and Technology as other players. It is known that there are close to 17 agencies and ministries of the Government of India involved in maritime issues. The huge resource and support required for UDA is possible only when all these agencies come together for a long term commitment to enhance our UDA in the IOR. A comprehensive Maritime Strategy formulation with clear focus on UDA is the only way forward to synergise the efforts of all the possible players involved. The Make in India initiative can be leveraged to contribute significantly to the Blue Economy with a clear maritime focus backed with an effective Maritime Strategy translating to enhanced Acoustic Capability in the future.
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| 5 |
ID:
128559
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2013.
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This author consider how the founder of the Naval Review might have seen the position of the Royal navy today, and how he might have set out to improve it, or advise his successors how to improve it. He suggests the concept is more in line with current maritime needs that it has been given credit for, and speculates on its future.
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| 6 |
ID:
130313
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| 7 |
ID:
126134
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2013.
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The US South China Sea policy is designed to deny power transition in the Asia-Pacific. Strategic rebalancing has become America's Asia-Pacific Strategy for reassuring hegemonic stability and supporting its South China Sea policy. Practically, strategic rebalancing depends heavily upon naval diplomacy. As a result of us naval diplomacy, the DOC (Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea)-symbolized "ASEAN+China" mechanism is being eroded by the looming US-dominated neo-realistic framework, an indication that Washington's strategic rebalancing has secured preliminary success. Yet, the creditability of US naval diplomacy in the South China Sea ultimately rests upon the progress of the Navy's maritime strategy in the Asia-Pacific. Michael Mullen's idea of "landward push" of sea control resides at the core of the 2007 Maritime Strategy, of which the core operational mechanism is the Navy Expeditionary Combat Command (NECC). NECC is key to the AirSea Battle concept and naval diplomacy. The 2012 and 2013 Balikatan exercises have showcased the utilities of NECC and provided much edification: with the use of versatile naval diplomacy, the US Navy has insinuated Mullen's idea into the South China Sea, advanced AirSea Battle, facilitated strategic rebalancing, and reassured its South China Sea policy. If China fails to fully comprehend the progress of America's maritime strategy, it may end up wrestling with a far superior balancing coalition that is being created by the US.
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| 8 |
ID:
133377
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2014.
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Today the Japanese face an increasingly complex regional-security environment, particularly along the southwestern islands, where incursions by Chinese government vessels are increasingly occurring in what Japan claims as its territorial waters. The security of offshore islands has developed as an area of focus within Japanese defense planning, and Japan has begun building up modest island-defense capabilities.1 Although the nature and range of threats faced have evolved, a core focus of the Japan Self-Defense Force (JSDF ) remains the same- the requirement to protect the nation from an amphibious invasion.2 While the JSDF has developed some robust platforms, its current state also reflects the constraints placed on its development under the 1947 constitution, enacted during the occupation following World War II. …
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| 9 |
ID:
128719
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Buster hated anchoring. In all his years in command of frigates no other ship's evolution had developed such capacity for cock - up. As he mounted the bridge ladder he expected the worst, and was rarely disappointed. An unconvincing report, the hint of a fumble on the focsle chippy's grubby cap at an unusually rakish angle - and the bridge steps would run red.
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| 10 |
ID:
128738
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since I now live in the Gulf, it was a happy coincidence that found me in Portsmouth on 16th July 2013 and therefore able to attend the Centenary Party; and what a splendid affairs it was. I must have taken much work to prepare and I'm sure members will join me in thanking everyone involved.
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| 11 |
ID:
130063
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2014.
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When it comes to solving problems with China's overreach at sea, there are laws for that.
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| 12 |
ID:
130868
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2014.
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Asia's reliance on international, seaborne energy trade is conducive to strategic cooperation. Whether this will outweigh strategic competition is far from certain. The Asia-Pacific accounts for a large and growing share of the world's energy-demand growth. With imports rising faster than consumption, the region is rapidly becoming the new centre of gravity for global energy markets. Such dynamics have made energy security a key policy concern for Asian states. The naval capacities of these countries are also growing swiftly, prompting some analysts to ask whether an arms race has begun. Although no one would suggest that this build-up of naval power is primarily driven by the need to secure energy supplies, the Chinese and Indian governments have identified energy and resource security as one rationale for developing naval power, particularly blue-water capabilities.
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| 13 |
ID:
134019
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2014.
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Robert Ayson comments on the South China Sea. Asia's regional security and New Zealand foreign policy
as the powers jostle in a more competitive Asia-Pacific region, it may seem counter-intuitive to call for a clearer New Zealand position on the South China Sea disputes. But even as regional tensions grow, Wellington can stick up for its principles without joining a chorus of China criticism. Under the key government, New Zealand's alignment with the United States is becoming more pronounced through a series of small but cumulatively important steps. this makes it even more important for New Zealand's policy to be staked out clearly, including in written from accessible to the public discussion.
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| 14 |
ID:
085778
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2008.
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The new U.S. maritime strategy embodies a historic reassessment of the international system and how the nation can best pursue its interests in harmony with those of other states. In light of the strategy's focus on building partnerships to better safeguard the global maritime commons, it is vital that American leaders clearly understand the frank and unvarnished views of allies, friends,
and potential partners. The strategy's unveiling at the Naval War College on 17 October 2007 with the leaders of nearly a hundred navies and coast guards present demonstrated initial global maritime inclusiveness.
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| 15 |
ID:
133482
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2014.
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As the world entered the last couple of decades of the 20th century, the sharply differing views and reactions of India and the United States (US) to unfolding global and regional events had brought bilateral relations to almost the nadir of the Nixon years. As James Heitzman and Robert L. Worden, the Washington-based editors of India: A Country Study have recorded (http://www.countrystudies.us/india/134.htm), "In the 1980s the Indian and United States governments had divergent views on a wide range of international issues, including Afghanistan, Cambodia, the Middle East, and Central America. Serious differences also remained over the US policy toward Pakistan and the issue of nuclear proliferation. India was repeatedly incensed in the Eighties when the US provided advanced military technology and other assistance to Pakistan despite the US' concerns about Pakistan's covert nuclear programme. For its part, Washington continued to urge New Delhi to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and, after the successful test launch of the Indian Agni intermediate-range ballistic missile in May 1989, called on New Delhi to refrain from developing a ballistic missile capability by adhering to the restrictions of the Missile Technology Control Regime". This unhappy prelude makes the vibrancy of the India-US bilateral defence relationship in general (and the maritime relationship in particular) over the very next decade all the more striking.
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| 16 |
ID:
078813
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| 17 |
ID:
132185
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2014.
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In a new strategic environment, the Marines' ability to expeditiously get people and equipment ashore may be more important than ever. Emerging platforms and technologies promise to be game-changers.
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| 18 |
ID:
177468
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| Publication |
Annapolis, Naval Institute Press, 2019.
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| Description |
xiii, 183p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781682473818
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059988 | 359.03/HOL 059988 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
131182
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although a main gate decision on the UK's successor deterrent submarine programme is not due until 2016, investment in engineering, facilities and long led material is already ramping up. Richard Scott assesses the status of the programme.
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| 20 |
ID:
128720
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this the concluding part of his series on the chemistry of doctrine, the author examines the further evolution of naval doctrine during the second world war, with specific reference to the battle of Atlantic . He concludes by surveying the whole three part series and drawing some enduring lessons and principles.
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