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| 1 |
ID:
079099
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 1990s when the international community faced new challenges and thereby 'peace support operations' became the dominant concept, Finland - like other traditionalists - had to adapt to the new approach. The adaptation has been rather smooth because there is considerable continuity in the Finnish peacekeeping discourse over the 50-year period, and government and media have consistently maintained the self-image of a peacekeeping 'superpower'. Finnish legislation has been revised several times in order to enable its participation under changing conditions.
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| 2 |
ID:
079101
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Nordic states have embraced the thesis that development and security are strongly interdependent. While they have been heavily and continuously involved in Africa as donors in the development field, their military engagement is less consistent. The article argues that the foreign policy strategies of the Nordic states are designed to maximize international influence by enhancing their reputations and images. However, those foreign policies are divided into separate policy fields, or segments, working within their own international frameworks. Since different international frameworks appreciate actions and behaviour differently, national integration of development-security strategies is very difficult to achieve
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| 3 |
ID:
079098
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines constructions of gender in UN documents and peace operations. The focus is on gender mainstreaming: the kinds of notion of men and women that are produced in gender mainstreaming and what kind of effect mainstreaming has. Based on an analysis of the key UN documents and the fieldwork among Finnish peacekeepers in Kosovo, the argument is that gender mainstreaming documents and practices tend to rely on essentialized notions of women as victims and inherently peaceful. The consequences of this are twofold. On the one hand the international community is not able to see local women as agents of their own future. On the other, the participation of women in peacekeeping forces is promoted on the basis of an alleged pacifying effect on their male colleagues. As a result traditional gender roles are reinforced and the variations in masculinities and femininities are ignored.
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| 4 |
ID:
079096
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the notion of a 'Nordic approach' to peace support operations by analysing the Nordic states' commitment to UN interventions during the period of 1991-99. The Nordic states varied considerably in their individual choices on where, when and by what magnitude to commit to such interventions. The observed discrepancies reveal that the notion of a 'Nordic approach' is beset with strong limitations; the concept's implied homogeneity is simply missing. To convincingly capitalize on the notion of a Nordic approach, the Nordic states would have needed to put the issue on a common agenda.
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| 5 |
ID:
079097
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Norway's growing participation in international missions has challenged both civilian and military perceptions of the ideal role of the Norwegian military. The armed forces' overall purpose has gone from homeland defence to being a security policy instrument. At the same time, the traditional humanitarian profile of Norway's foreign deployments has been replaced by a more distinct military role. Although politically initiated, the restructuring of the Norwegian armed forces has political implications that may be difficult to accept. A defence structure adapted to high-intensity operations abroad entails new political choices, but for small countries, such as Norway, political choices are also constricted as a result of closer integration with multinational force structures. Furthermore, a much smaller structure combined with high international ambitions places a heavy strain on military personnel and their families. Thus far, political and military leaders in Norway have largely agreed on the overall direction of military reforms. However, military authorities have signalled that ample budgets are required, along with further geographical concentration of forces in Norway and a continued commitment to international force integration. All these measures come at a high political cost
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| 6 |
ID:
079095
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Nordic countries lost their 'great power' status in peacekeeping after the end of the cold war. This article asks whether they have succeeded in establishing a new model of cooperation that will enable them to regain it. The analysis shows that such a model has been established, but that it remains uncertain whether the Nordics have the collective will to exploit its potential. The article concludes that the Nordics at a minimum would have to establish civil-military rapid reaction deployment packages to reassert themselves as peace operations pace-sette
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| 7 |
ID:
079100
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Exploring the myth or reality of the powerless small state, this article offers a re-examination of Nordic internationalism by introducing the concepts of Nordic normative power and norm entrepreneurship. A discussion of Swedish norm advocacy within the UN provides an illustration of norm entrepreneurship as a contingent foreign policy approach for small states. By using norm entrepreneurship as a foreign policy strategy, small states may be able to 'punch above their weight' in international politics
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