| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
080017
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Europe's reactions to its recently-constituted Muslim communities reflect its implicit self-image of cultural homogeneity, despite a long tradition of cultural adaption. This, in turn, is a facet of the persistance of an Orientalist vision which stimulates its opposed mirror-image, Occidentalism or Orientalism-in-reverse, as those communities react with a sense of profound alienation. The two interact to generate the cultural and political confrontation that typifies inter-communal relations today, constructing a new inter-communal socio-political boundary that could harden into a permanent divide of mutual hostility. It is this, far more than globalised salafi-jihadism, that explains the political extremism confronting European states today
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
080020
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Belgian regions and communities have an unparalleled external role. Their treaty-making powers and their representation in the EU policy process require extensive coordination efforts to ensure coherence. Paradoxically the regional quest for external autonomy has actually forced the regions/communities to cooperate much more than was initially expected. Few intergovernmental conflicts have emerged and those that have arisen have been settled in a pragmatic (technocratic) fashion
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
080019
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
What does regional external power mean? To what extent is it allowed? What are the limits for its exercise? And how is it carried out in today's quasi-federal Italy? Not only is regional foreign policy a litmus test for the legal development of a compound system; it is also extremely telling as far as the political maturity of the actors in a multi-level governmental system is concerned. In the present constitutional and political framework in Italy, there is a cleavage between the rather developed normative framework and the immature practical reality. Regional foreign policy is something very important about which too little ado is made
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
080022
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
New Democracy's victory in the March 2004 Greek elections immediately raised questions about the continued development of the process of rapprochement between Greece and Turkey, begun five years earlier in 1999. However, concerns were misplaced. The incoming administration made it clear that it intended to maintain the policy of détente. Like the previous PASOK government, it sought to minimise the role of Cyprus as a factor in bilateral relations and continued to support Turkey's membership of the European Union. The differences that have arisen between New Democracy and PASOK appear to be more a result of the differing styles of George Papandreou and Petros Molyviatis, the two foreign ministers, than of any significant disparity in basic foreign policy principles
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
080023
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Contrary to the expectations of many experts and politicians, one of the most politically sensitive sectors of the European integration process, the common foreign and security policy, has seen remarkable growth in recent years. The pressure of crises and conflicts beyond the EU's borders and the need to deal with them in a unitary way has driven the governments of member states and the community institutions to take development of CFSP/ESDP more seriously. The process has been pragmatic, establishing the mechanisms and policies required to respond to the challenges. It is this bottom-up, disorderly growth that the Constitutional Treaty had attempted to rationalise in a coherent framework, completing the work of the preceding treaties. With the stalled ratification of the CT, this growth has continued. But it cannot go on indefinitely. In order to bring order and coherence into CFSP/ESDP bodies and procedures, the substance of the Constitutional Treaty must be saved and approved rapidly
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
080018
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A number of factors explain why some EU member states, particularly France, Italy and Spain are gradually opting for informal patterns of cooperation on readmission issues with Mediterranean and African countries. This adaptive inclination is more of a necessity than an option. It reflects the more urgent need of some EU member states to find flexible solutions for cooperation on readmission rather than to conclude bilateral readmission agreements. The agenda remains unchanged, but there has been a shift in priority actions with regard to these countries. The operability of cooperation on readmission has been prioritised over formalisation
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
080021
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Application of the federal principle of shared sovereignty to external security policies directed against foreign states can easily give rise to a situation in which the federation ceases to be an indivisible subject in an international setting. This can in turn lead to conflicts between the two levels. A comparison of three instances of sanctions adopted by federated states-the sanction policies of Massachusetts in support of the democratisation of Myanmar/Burma (1996-2000), the divestment policies of Illinois in opposition to the governmental policies of Sudan (2006-), and the participation by Flanders in Belgian and European sanctions in protest against the Freedom Party's participation in the Austrian government (2000)-confirms this thesis.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
080025
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The prospect of transatlantic cooperation in the field of defence systems depends on reaching an acceptable point of equilibrium. Without it, Europe will face the unacceptable strategic, political, economic and industrial risks of total American predominance in this field (with the consequent loss of technical and production expertise). The reduction of the gap between Europe and the United States depends on the integration of the European defence market. This must not be seen as a threat for transatlantic collaboration, but as an opportunity. Building up a transatlantic market could also improve the efficiency of the American market by increasing competition. This collaboration, based not on bilateral, national or multilateral agreements, but on bi-continental cooperation, is the challenge that Europe and the United States must face and meet together.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
080024
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
While attributing the main tasks relating to CFSP to various institutions, the EU Treaty mirrors the traditional EU structure, which does not appear to be able to provide the coherence and efficiency needed in the foreign policy field. The Constitutional Treaty attempted to achieve coherence by introducing important changes, including an EU Minister for Foreign Affairs (the "double-hatting" solution). After the CT ratification failures, however, thought must be directed at finding steps that lead towards the CT solutions but are at the same time compatible with the TEU. While double-hatting is difficult to reconcile with some of the TEU's provisions, other measures and devices could to some extent anticipate the CT's perspective without contravening the treaties in force
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|