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ID:
082914
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| 2 |
ID:
080464
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Oil has long been viewed as a strategic resource for nations. China is now the world's second largest oil-consuming country after the U.S.. Its global efforts to secure oil imports to meet increasing domestic demand have profound implications for international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. China's rising oil demand and its external quest for oil have thus generated much attention. As China's overseas oil quest intensifies, will China clash with the U.S. and other western countries' interests in Africa, and how dose it look at this rivalry? Will China disrupt the U.S. and its allies' foreign policy and the world order? This article tries to provide an overview of China's initiatives in developing oil in Africa. It examines factors for Chinese oil companies going to Africa and China's oil strategy there. Finally, it argues that even though China's practices of energy diplomacy in Africa seem to undermine U.S. goals of isolating or punishing "rogue states", contrary to those pessimistic views, China has largely accommodated the U.S. and is willing to forge joint efforts with the U.S. in energy exploration in Africa.
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| 3 |
ID:
167327
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the two most significant Asian powers, competition in infrastructure sectors in Asia between China and Japan is inevitable. Japan is a long-established developer of regional infrastructure in Southeast Asia, while China’s interest in financing and building infrastructures there is relatively recent. After China proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), Japan stepped up its efforts, determined to expand its already well-established influence. This competition has had positive as well as negative consequences for Southeast Asia and regional financial architecture. This article attempts to use Sino–Japanese competition for infrastructure financing and high-speed railway contracts as a case in point to explore in what ways and trajectory these two countries’ competition for infrastructure investment is going on, and what impacts it will create on the region.
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| 4 |
ID:
167925
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was launched at the end of 2015. It is an ongoing project towards a single market and is envisioned to develop ASEAN into a competitive and global ASEAN. However, given the wide development gaps between member countries, combined with ASEAN's extremely weak institutional base, it is uncertain whether ASEAN will be able to realise its ambitious targets. As the largest trading partner of ASEAN, China vowed to further deepen China–ASEAN relations and render more support to the building of the ASEAN community through China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). For ASEAN, the important question is how China and its initiatives could assist ASEAN member states in achieving those development priorities. This article attempts to address these questions by analysing Chinese scholarly writings and different Southeast Asian views and concerns. It also explores China's evolving peripheral diplomacy with a focus on its foreign policy to Southeast Asia.
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| 5 |
ID:
103495
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| Summary/Abstract |
The last two decades have witnessed a significant rise and expansion in outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) from China and India. This paper discusses the development process of China's and India's OFDI since the early 1980s, analysing the major driving factors and determinants behind their enterprises' "going out" strategies, and comparing the different structures of their OFDI. The main conclusion is that the OFDI from China and India is likely to expand further in the future as the two giants aspire to become significant regional and global players in their respective industries.
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