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| 1 |
ID:
080449
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers the place of political geography and geopolitics in Samuel Huntington's celebrated work Clash of Civilizations. It is argued that Huntington's engagement with geography is fundamentally ambivalent. On the one hand, he frames his entire analysis as a form of what he calls political geography, and he invokes geographical factors in various ways throughout the entire text. At the same time, however, he explicitly discounts the significance of space or territory in the civilisational framework that he depicts. An analysis of Huntington's inconsistency in this regard contributes to a broader critique of his overall premises, logic, and conclusions. Beyond this, it provides insight into the uncertain position of geography more broadly in contemporary discourses of international relations and international security. Ultimately, I suggest that the ambivalences in the Clash of Civilizations are indicative of certain 'fault lines' - to borrow from Huntington's own lexicon - that have been characteristic for the American security imagination across much of the twentieth century.
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| 2 |
ID:
080454
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2007.
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This article begins by highlighting Mayell's (2004) call for geographers to examine New Zealand's geopolitical interests and apparatus. However, the manner in which Mayell frames his call is argued to unnecessarily limit the scope of such an examination. In supporting this claim the article draws on an exchange of letters between two officials working in New Zealand's Department of Internal Affairs and Australia's Department of the Interior concerning the administration of their respective countries passport systems. Drawing on a combination of ideas taken from critical geopolitics and Actor-Network Theory, the article argues for recognition of the mundane practice, and objects, of geopolitics as important constitutive fields in their own right
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| 3 |
ID:
080450
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2007.
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Civilisations are imagined, ratherm than real, and nations undergoing identity crises typically represent themselves through multiple civilisational visions. Scholars of geopolitics can hardly understand foreign policy without analysing those visions and social contexts, in which they rise and fall. This article selects for analysis three distinct civilisational ideas of Russia - "West," "Eurasia" and "Euro-East" - associated with Boris Yeltsin, Yevgeni Primakov and Vladimir Putin, respectively. Russia's foreign policy is best understood as reflecting those civilisational ideas rather than merely material power conditions
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| 4 |
ID:
080455
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2007.
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Much has been written recently about the territorial integrity of Iraq and its problematic invocation and violation by the US, the UK and their allies since the 1991 Gulf War. Little work however, has considered the effects upon Iraq's territorial preservation and territorial sovereignty of these countries' aerial incursions into Iraq's airspace. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature. It focuses specifically on analysing the use of air power in the skies above Iraq by the US and the UK, arguing that these flights, whilst violating Iraq's territorial sovereignty did, in some cases, paradoxically help to enforce and maintain Iraq's boundaries. The article develops a theoretical framework melding recent work on vertical- and techno-geopolitics, notions of aerial mobility, power projection and air power theorising. This is used to analyse the use of foreign air power to undertake 'air policing' and 'persistent presence' missions in Iraq, focusing upon the northern no-fly zone in the 1990s and post-2003 operations. This article illustrates the importance of acknowledging and critically analysing the vertical and technological aspects of geopolitics and the aerial aspects of a state's territorial integrity
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| 5 |
ID:
080451
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The evocative figure of a South haunted by its troubled past is a staple of representations of the region, and such representations not only create a problematic identity for the region but simultaneously produce a privileged national identity through the process of internal orientalism. This article connects internal orientalism with the notion of the double Janus to explain the similarities between America's attitude toward Southern history and its assertion that Japan and Germany bear historical burdens of their own. The inward-looking face of the double Janus is informed by the discourse of internal orientalism and gives Americans an opportunity to judge an internal spatial Other (the South), particularly with regard to the region's history (as a result American geopolitical identity is cleansed from the historical burdens that are construed as Southern). This practice as a righteous judge of the Other serves the US hegemon and its outward-looking face of the double Janus in that the rhetorical practices deployed to discuss Japanese and German history have been honed through the assessment of the burdens of Southern history
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| 6 |
ID:
080452
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nationality has been a key identity in international relations for much of the modern period, and the marriage of "nation" and "state" produced a powerful polity - the national state - that dominated global politics. This article investigates the forces that "pushed" and "pulled" nations and states together and explores the factors associated with violent identity politics. It argues that while recent decades have witnessed increasing instances of divorce between "nation" and "state" and a simultaneous proliferation of identity conflicts, the likelihood that identity conflicts will be expressed violently depends both on the character of the state (the timing of state institutionalisation relative to the construction of national consciousness, the democratic or non-democratic nature of the state, and the national or non-national basis for the legitimation of state authority) and on the principal "marker" used to construct national identity
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| 7 |
ID:
080453
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Existing for multiple generations in the western-most aimag (province) of Mongolia, the Kazakh-Mongolian community has succeeded in preserving traditional Kazakh culture and language to a far greater degree than any other Kazakh community in the world. To date, this group has abstained from overtly integrating into Mongolian society, while watching approximately half of their community migrate to the newly sovereign state of Kazakhstan. What is the fate of dispersed peoples who refuse to answer the call of a beckoning kin-state? Can minority ethnicity be sustained by small-scale homelands within nationalising host-states? This article applies a transnational social field approach in analysing the multi-faceted and multi-cited discourses of inclusion and exclusion through which this community is currently negotiating its place in the world
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