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ID:
160424
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| Summary/Abstract |
Clashes between the ideologies of pro-Beijing nationalism and pro–Hong Kong localism have become far more prominent in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region since 2013. This article explores the origins, content, and impact of the ideological conflicts between Beijing and Hong Kong.
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| 2 |
ID:
080485
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state-society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state-society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive 'one country, two systems' model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's 'one country, two systems' appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.
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| 3 |
ID:
083255
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author examines the relationship between the Taiwanese government and organized crime. He argues that the government is relatively weak vis-à-vis organized crime, which has traditionally infiltrated the political system through elections and bureaucratic corruption. The weak anticrime apparatus and civil servants' and politicians' lack of ethical behavior provide fertile ground for political corruption to persist. Clean government's defenders include most prosecutors, court judges, media professionals, and social activists. But civil servants need to be educated on the values of public accountability, financial propriety, and personal ethics. Anticorruption bodies should be reformed, and a single authority should be vested with the necessary legal authority to curb graft in the private and public sectors. To improve its democratic image, Taiwan must consolidate its governmental capacity to control domestic crime and destroy the coalition between the heidao, money politics, and bureaucratic corruption.
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