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| 1 |
ID:
080487
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Formal politics is defined as political participation under 'rules and institutions' while informal politics is a kind of 'conventions and codes behavior' in the political sphere, such as cronyism and guanxi networks. Both kinds of politics are interacting and functionally inseparable in a political system. This article explores the interactive dynamics between formal and informal politics in the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR), with the August 2004 Chief Executive election and the September 2005 Legislative elections as illuminating case studies. It highlights the ways and means with which the Beijing and the MSAR authorities shaped the electoral institutions to undermine political opposition. It argues that formal politics possesses more than window-dressing functions to reveal the 'normal and orthodox form of politics' while the informal type is the real process for decision making. Formal and informal politics undermined the political input of the mass in Macao and triggered political irregularities involving money politics. It concludes that the dynamics of formal and informal politics did not possess enhancement but corruption in forging a genuinely democratic MSAR polity.
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| 2 |
ID:
080484
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hong Kong is an administrative and economic entity under Chinese sovereignty. Essentially, the local political system that Hong Kong has adopted is that of a non-sovereign state as well as a non-political entity. It is neither entirely occidental nor completely oriental, but an executive-led system which has developed according to Hong Kong's characteristics and has proved to be an effective one. 1997 was not the end of the 'One Country, Two Systems' policy, but its beginning. To guarantee the policy's success is in the overall interest of both Hong Kong and China. As such, China has no greater interests in Hong Kong than to maintain its stability and prosperity. The Chinese Central Authorities will continue to abide by the 'One Country, Two Systems' policy and the Basic Law whenever problems regarding Hong Kong arise
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| 3 |
ID:
080490
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The deepening rapprochement between China and Russia, those two formidable continental powers, constitutes one of the most noteworthy phenomena in post-Cold War world affairs. Through detailed investigation of this vital bilateral relationship over a variety of issue areas, we characterize the current Sino-Russian relations as a limited defensive strategic partnership, with strategicness constituting the core of the Sino-Russian relationship. More than that, we further argue that the Sino-Russian rapprochement is externally-driven rather than internally-driven. More specifically, realism's balance of power theory, or its variety balance of threat theory, provides a relatively convincing explanation regarding the increasingly strengthened Sino-Russian strategic partnership. In a roughly chronological way, this paper will demonstrate how America's increasing unilateralism in its foreign policy approaches was correlated with, and thus contributed to, the deepening rapprochement between China and Russia
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| 4 |
ID:
080485
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state-society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state-society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive 'one country, two systems' model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's 'one country, two systems' appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.
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| 5 |
ID:
080486
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chief Executive's (CE's) relationship with Beijing is bound to entail a patron-client network, for Beijing has to confirm, endorse and announce the CE's official appointment after a local electoral process where the CE is elected by the 800-man Election Committee, a 'small circle' electoral method that is favourable to maintain patron-client relations. In other words, a skilful manipulation of patron-client relations can help to secure electoral success. Still, the candidate has to build up a stable reciprocal relationship with the voters to consolidate their sense of client list recognition to maintain loyalties by means of offering material or non-material benefits the clients need, or even seeking assistance from the patron Beijing. Nevertheless, such exchange of benefits sometimes may not be so successful as to earn the loyalties of all, especially the pro-democracy and voters with different political ideology. Further, the dyadic relations and loyalties of a patron's clients can shift between patrons so that one's patron can also become another's client, like the incumbent CE Donald Tsang who is the client of Beijing but also the patron of all his political appointees, and the former CE Tung Chee-hwa, who was the client of Beijing especially the former President Jiang Zemin, but Tung himself was the patron of many Hong Kong elites coopted to the various institutions and positions. Finally, Beijing's obsession with maintaining effective of indirect control over the HKSAR polity by ordaining the actual choice of a CE and hence the resulting non-contested CE elections of 2002 and 2005 in which open nominations of CE candidates were conducted but the secret balloting for the qualified candidates was not held at all. In short, while voters may become the clients of Beijing, candidates may also seek to become the client list supporter of the central government. Patron-client relation is arguably the hallmark of the insider politics in CE elections
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| 6 |
ID:
080488
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A situation of asymmetric stalemate exists when neither side can force a unilateral resolution of a conflict even though one side is significantly stronger than the other. Although a standoff can persist indefinitely, the only path to resolution of conflict is negotiation. Even though the conflict between China and the Dalai Lama regarding Tibetan autonomy is not one between sovereign states, it fits the pattern of asymmetric stalemate. Current discussions between China and the Dalai Lama illustrate the importance of recognition of autonomy on the part of the stronger side and of deference on the part of the weaker side in resolving asymmetric stalemate
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| 7 |
ID:
080489
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the world's first and second largest energy consumers, the United States and the People's Republic of China face serious common challenges that include increasing dependence on foreign sources, high energy costs, and increased environmental impacts. The energy security of both can be enhanced through cooperation. The US is a leader in many fields of energy research and technology, and the PRC has achievements of its own in such fields as high-energy physics, coal sequestration, and next-generation nuclear reactors. Promising steps have already been taken. Extensive bilateral energy dialogues exist at both policy and working levels. An energy policy dialogue between America's Department of Energy and its Chinese counterpart was inaugurated in 2004. The two sides are working together on 'smart buildings'. There are proposals for joint hydrogen development. Potential for further progress exists in these and other areas including air pollution and control, water treatment, solid waste treatment and disposal, renewable energy, pollution control, and energy efficiency equipment. Nonetheless, sovereignty issues remain, and both sides continue their desire for energy independence.
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