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| 1 |
ID:
092465
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The use of force in international relations by the West is increasingly witnessing a greater reliance on Special Forces. This trend has profound implications for state action because Special Forces represent a very different kind of soldier and they possess the inherent ability to transgress traditional boundaries in peace and war. The development and participation of UK Special Forces in the Global War on Terror provides a microcosm of the positive and negative dimensions of using secret military units as the force of choice against insurgents and terrorists in Afghanistan, Iraq and indeed on the streets of London.
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| 2 |
ID:
091376
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2009.
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Private security companies' growing participation in U.S. and international military missions has raised concern about whether the private security industry is subject to sufficient controls. Industry self-regulation is often proposed as part of a multilayered framework of regulations to govern PSCs. But what can self-regulation contribute to regulation of the private security industry? This matters because privatization in the security realm has moved beyond understandings of the proper breakdown of public and private functions concerning the use of force. This article assesses what self-regulation can contribute to the control of this industry and whether the private security industry lends itself to effective self-regulation. It concludes that the private security industry does not exhibit the capacity to adopt and implement effective self-regulation on its own. If self-regulation is to complement state and international regulation, participation in the design and oversight of self-regulation must be broadened beyond private security companies alone.
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| 3 |
ID:
091790
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Private security companies' growing participation in U.S. and international military missions has raised concern about whether the private security industry is subject to sufficient controls. Industry self-regulation is often proposed as part of a multilayered framework of regulations to govern PSCs. But what can self-regulation contribute to regulation of the private security industry? This matters because privatization in the security realm has moved beyond understandings of the proper breakdown of public and private functions concerning the use of force. This article assesses what self-regulation can contribute to the control of this industry and whether the private security industry lends itself to effective self-regulation. It concludes that the private security industry does not exhibit the capacity to adopt and implement effective self-regulation on its own. If self-regulation is to complement state and international regulation, participation in the design and oversight of self-regulation must be broadened beyond private security companies alone.
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| 4 |
ID:
093250
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
xxii, 298p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415547413
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054653 | 320.9598/BEI 054653 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
090779
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In many ways the scholarly study of Canadian foreign policy has become a rich, robust, and rapidly growing field. It is now well over a century old, if one dates its inauguration from the publication of Goldwin Smith's Canada and the Canadian Question in 1891, a book that understood that Canada's relationship with the United States was properly part of, or even at the centre of the field.
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| 6 |
ID:
089772
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2009.
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The defeat of the LTTE as a military force has not made the ethnic question in Sri Lanka go away. If anything, the need for political solution has become ever more urgent. The euphoria over the military victory must allow the debate on power sharing and devolution to die. While these discussions take place, it is useful to go back to power-sharing arrangements already in place, and examine where they fall short.
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| 7 |
ID:
087664
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2009.
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The main subject of the 17th International scholarly conference "China, Chinese civilization and the World. Past, Present, and Future", which was held in Moscow on October 22 to 24, 2008, at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies, was "Thirty years of Reforms in the PRC, Experience, Problems, Lessons".
The conference was attended by about 150 Russian and foreign scholars, more than half of whom presented reports and read papers. Among the participants from abroad were scholars from Sweden, Germany, the United States, Vietnam (a delegation of the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences) and, of course, China, who represented various scholarly centers (the Academy of Social Sciences of the Yunnan and Jilin provinces, the Institute of Contemporary History and the Institute of Modern China of the Academy of Social Sciences of the PRC, the Institute of International Relations of Beijing University, the Beijing Pedagogical University, the Beijing Administrative Institute, the Institute of Party History at the CC CPC, the Nankai University, the Research Institute of Macroeconomics at the PRC State Commission of Development and Reform), as well as several public organizations, for instance, the Chinese Friendship Society with Foreign Countries, and the Shanghai Association of Social Sciences. Russian scholars of Chinese studies from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Saratov, Tomsk, Chita, Blagoveshchensk, Vladivostok and Novosibirsk, and also representatives of government and business circles of the Russian Federation and journalists took part in the conference
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| 8 |
ID:
090534
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2009.
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The infamous British surrender at Kut-al-Amara in 1916 led to a thorough investigation, which particularly highlighted the lack of appropriate transport and equipment for troops on the frontline. The ability of the Commission to apportion blame during active operations also proved highly controversial. As the UK begins an inquiry into the recent Iraq war, how much has been learnt since the last time strategy in Mesopotamia was put under the magnifying glass
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| 9 |
ID:
088120
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2009.
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This article documents how Japan's governing elites confronted the enormous tasks of restoring order over the disaster area of the Great Kant? Earthquake and providing relief and recovery assistance to approximately two million people. It also explores how and why numerous commentators evoked the imagery of war in constructing the 1923 catastrophe. They employed comparisons to war not only to describe the totality of destruction meted out by the earthquake and fires, but also to communicate the commitment that they believed the people of Japan would have to make to expedite recovery, rebuild the capital, and reconstruct the nation. Such an effort, many concluded, would require the mobilized efforts of all Japanese.
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| 10 |
ID:
091097
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2009.
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This essay approaches the 1925 master plan for Tel-Aviv by the biologist and town planner Patrick Geddes by asking which aspects of his concept of the modern city attracted representatives of the Zionist movement. While the idea of the region-city was applicable to Palestine at large, Geddes's conviction that the modern city had to grow from history was particularly relevant for the resettlement of the ancient Jewish homeland. Geddes planned modern Tel-Aviv as both a part of Palestine and a logical extension of the ancient city of Jaffa. Geddes borrowed decisive features of his plan from his earlier plan for Balrampur, India, and from the historic plan of Edinburgh, Scotland.
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| 11 |
ID:
120061
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Singapore, KAS, 2009.
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| Description |
147p.Pbk
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| Series |
Panorama Insights into South East Asian and European Affairs
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057218 | 943.087/HOR 057218 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
092210
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2009.
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Any assessment of political developments in post-colonial India inevitably begins with the Indian National Congress (INC). Not only is it the oldest political party in India, but it also assumed a seminal role in mobilising and leading the independence movement from the late nineteenth century through to 1947. Since then, it has dominated parliamentary politics until 1996, when it lost government to a coalition of parties, in part as a result of what was identified as deep-seated corruption in the ranks of its parliamentarians. Yet there were other factors that contributed to this decline, the most notable of which was the emergence and rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Indeed, it could be argued that, by the beginning of the twenty-first century, the BJP could be seen as the most significant development in defining the changing nature of Indian politics.
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| 13 |
ID:
090220
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2009.
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On September 8, 2008, the Trial-heat Forecasting Model predicted that in-party candidate Senator John McCain would receive 52.7% of the national two-party popular presidential vote. The forecast of a victory of modest proportions for Senator McCain reflected his having a five-percentage-point lead over Senator Barack Obama in Gallup's early September, post-convention poll (49% to 44%) and the Bureau of Economic Analysis' August report of a 3.3% GDP growth rate in the second quarter of the year, about average for a second quarter election year economy.
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| 14 |
ID:
085978
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2009.
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ETHIOPIA CARRIED OUT LOCAL ELECTIONS FOR NEIGHBOURHOOD (kebele) and county (woreda) assemblies on 13 and 20 April 2008, respectively.1 By law, these elections were supposed to be conducted in 2005, but the chaotic period after the general elections that year made it impossible to carry out the local polls. Considering the formative character of the 2005 general elections, where the opposition for the first time challenged the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and the dramatic political crackdown in the post-election period, the conduct of the 2008 local elections is important in understanding the status and direction of Ethiopia's overall process of democratization. The constrained political context and government strategies of intimidation and harassment - leading the main opposition parties to withdraw from the local elections - signal the return of electoral authoritarianism in Ethiopia.
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| 15 |
ID:
087748
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Alistair Coke, in his renowned letters , warned of the limits of uing hard power.
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| 16 |
ID:
086137
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2009.
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Malaysia's twelfth general elections, held on March 8, 2008, dealt a stunning blow to the incumbent Barisan Nasional regime. For the first time since 1969, the coalition did not receive its customary two-thirds majority in the lower house of parliament. Moreover, the opposition was able to form governments in five out of eleven peninsular Malaysian states. This article uses electoral, economic, and demographic data to test a number of potential explanations for these outcomes. Evidence indicates that the regime's decreased majority is the consequence of non-Malay voters' rejecting the incumbent regime in favor of secular opposition parties.
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| 17 |
ID:
087665
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2009.
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Gary C. Jacobson analyzes the 2008 presidential and congressional elections. He concludes that the elections were, through myriad pathways, largely a referendum on the Bush administration and a reaction to the economic meltdown. He questions whether Democratic Party control of the presidency and Congress will be a stable phenomenon.
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| 18 |
ID:
088732
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| 19 |
ID:
090344
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| 20 |
ID:
092277
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