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| 1 |
ID:
086861
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Winston Churchill once said that India is merely a geographical expression-no more a single country than the equator. His colonial assumption was that the Indian nation was a creation of the British, and that prior to it there was only collection of competing diversities-linguistic, ethnic, religious, regional, and political.
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| 2 |
ID:
097691
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2009.
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Africa has many maritime interests, including trade and the use of its marine resources,
which it can use to support development on the continent. Unfortunately, these
resources are illegally plundered by others (illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing
is an example) and free trade is hampered by phenomena such as piracy and organised
crime. This is to the disadvantage of the people of the African continent. At the same time, little is being done in Africa to protect these interests and resources. The Common
African Defence and Security Policy pays little attention to the maritime dimensions in
addressing threats to peace, security and development. The African Standby Force, as an
instrument for the implementation of the policy, also does not address maritime forces
or the contribution they could make to African security and development. Africa needs
to become more maritime conscious and consider maritime matters at a continental and
sub-regional level and not only as national issues.
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| 3 |
ID:
147650
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This paper provides new estimates of the evolution of pay inequality in China, overall and also by region and sector, in the period from 1987 to 2012, using the between-group component of Theil’s T-statistic measured across regions and sectors. We find that China’s overall pay inequality started to rise rapidly in the early 1990s and that it peaked in 2008, with the between-province component peaking as early as 2002. Since 2008, overall pay inequality has decreased, with between-province and between-sector inequality both showing steady declines. We argue that China’s pay inequality during the reform period was not simply a matter of economic inequality; it was the joint product of both market and institutional forces. In this vein, we also argue that the recent decline of overall pay inequality after the 2008 global economic crisis was not a temporary phenomenon triggered by the global downturn, but a long-term outcome driven by both economic and policy factors.
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| 4 |
ID:
193581
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With France’s support to the Indian vision of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’, defence industrialization and joint development, India and France have expanded their strategic security relations significantly. Such developments point towards convergence in matters of regional and global consequence. The first part of the article examines the historical background of military ties as well as cooperation on non-traditional security threats. The second part attempts to examine the evolving France–India relations in the wake of Chinese aggression along with their engagement in the Indo-Pacific region. The concluding third part extrapolates the findings on to the future to study the challenges to their partnership.
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| 5 |
ID:
156846
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| 6 |
ID:
161335
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The 2017 Nuclear Weapon Prohibition Treaty preamble reaffirmed the role of regional nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) in enhancing regional peace and security and in contributing to wider nuclear disarmament objectives. Existing such zones in many regions, including Latin America, South Pacific, Southeast Asia, Africa, Central Asia and Mongolia, have played significant roles in both preventing or reversing nuclear proliferation, assisting in the delegitimization of nuclear weapons as part of regional security arrangements, and securing binding negative security guarantees from nuclear weapon states (a feature absent in the NPT). At the same time, the new Prohibition Treaty contains important provisions that may require strengthening of existing NWFZs and consideration for incorporation in new such zones. The article examines particular needs for strengthening existing and proposed NWFZs, particularly in relation to the control over nuclear weapons, threats of nuclear weapon use, assistance in engaging in prohibited nuclear weapon activities, and obligations to provide victim assistance and environmental remediation in areas affected by nuclear testing.
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| 7 |
ID:
089513
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, Indian leaders have elevated the prominence of democratic rhetoric in their regional and international political discourse. This paper examines India's record of democracy promotion. It argues that India has much to gain by selectively supporting democracy in neighboring countries. Furthermore, participating in multinational efforts at democracy promotion offers India a potential vehicle for global leadership.
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| 8 |
ID:
080980
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2008.
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Regional and global intergovernmental organizations have grown both in number and scope, yet their role and effectiveness as conflict managers is not fully understood. Previous research efforts tend to categorize organizations solely by the scope of their membership, which obscures important sources of variation in institutional design at both the regional and global levels. International organizations will be more successful conflict managers if they are highly institutionalized, if they have members with homogeneous preferences, and if they have more established democratic members. These hypotheses are evaluated with data on territorial (1816-2001), maritime (1900-2001), and river (1900-2001) claims from the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) project in the Western Hemisphere, Europe, and the Middle East. Empirical analysis suggests that international organizations are more likely to help disputing parties reach an agreement if they have more democratic members, if they are highly institutionalized, and when they use binding management techniques
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| 9 |
ID:
105216
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| Publication |
2011.
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Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.
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| 10 |
ID:
095929
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2010.
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We model provincial inflation in China during the reform period. In particular, we are interested in the ability of the hybrid New Keynesian Phillips Curve (NKPC) to capture the inflation process at the provincial level. The study highlights differences in inflation formation and shows that the NKPC provides a reasonable description of the inflation process only for the coastal provinces. A probit analysis suggests that the forward-looking inflation component and the output gap are important inflation drivers in provinces that have advanced most in marketisation of the economy and have most likely experienced excess demand pressures. These results have implications for the relative effectiveness of monetary policy across the Chinese provinces.
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| 11 |
ID:
090866
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2009.
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The successful 2006 negotiation of the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (CANWFZ) Treaty indicates the continuing relevance of regional denuclearization measures as an important element in global non-proliferation strategies. Following on earlier nuclear-weapon-free zones in Latin America, the South Pacific, Southeast Asia and Africa, the CANWFZ is the first to be wholly located in the Northern hemisphere. Such zones face major challenges, including the existence of major regional conflicts, regional proliferation developments, lack of effective regional organizations in some regions for negotiating cooperative security arrangements, and difficulties in securing negative security guarantees from nuclear weapon states. Despite in-principle support to such zones, the nuclear powers, with the exception of China, have been highly selective in giving security guarantees to specific zones, with only two zones (Latin America and South Pacific) securing guarantees from most of the nuclear states. Nuclear weapon states are continuing to put their own military navigation, transit or deployment interests ahead of the non-proliferation benefits flowing from whole regions making binding agreements not to develop, acquire or possess nuclear weapons. New opportunities for nuclear-weapon-free zone establishment may be found in a return to multilateralist approaches with the advent of the US Obama Administration, current regional negotiations, and the role of middle level powers in mobilizing international support for nuclear-weapon-free zone initiatives, including further conferences of nuclear-weapon-free zone member countries. Proposed steps forward include: nuclear weapon state reviews of the current non-proliferation benefits of nuclear-weapon-free zones; commissioning of a new UN Experts' Study on nuclear-weapon-free zones; regional studies of the human, economic and climatic impact of nuclear war; and renewed regional nuclear-weapon-free zone efforts to establish new zones and strengthen existing zones.
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| 12 |
ID:
141357
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| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of political religion/Islam did not occur in a void; U.S. policies in the region helped pave the way.
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| 13 |
ID:
085308
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2008.
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The support of the United States and some European Union countries for Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence has in many ways contributed to a deterioration of the security situation in southeastern Europe. The fundamental strategic assumption of promoters of Kosovo's independence-that Kosovo was the last open question left over from the breakup of Yugoslavia-is likely to prove wrong. Thus, given the breakdown in the international and regional consensus on the contours of a legitimate Balkan political and security order, the instability of Kosovo and other states in the region is in reality likely to increase in the post-Kosovo independence period.
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| 14 |
ID:
084535
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