| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
128757
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
135632
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In addressing the maritime challenges facing the current government of India, I had, in the May 2014 issue of FORCE, touched upon the imperatives of coastal security. Despite that (or, perhaps because of that!), I am repeatedly asked by my editor, Pravin Sawhney why the Indian Navy — for all its professed sagacity — continues to enmesh itself in the labyrinthine complexities of coastal security? Does it not, he asks, see the mess that the Indian Army has found itself in through its excessive involvement in matters of internal security? Does it not see the pretence that the Indian Army has eventually been forced to put-up vis-à -vis the raising of the Rashtriya Rifles and fancifully feigning that the ‘regular’ Army is still concentrating-upon and honing its battle-skills? Why, he asks, with an obvious and emotive mixture of exasperation and plaintiveness, does the Indian Navy insist upon risking its core war-fighting competence and very raison-d’être, for the extremely dubious advantages of gaining centrality in the politically-driven imbroglio of ‘policing’ as a means of sustenance of internal security?
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
137877
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
‘Make-in-India’ is the clarion call issued by Prime Minister Modi practically from the inception of the BJP government at the Centre. With each impressive electoral gain in the state elections held thus far, this call is being heard with increasing excitement — and, it must be said, with a fair amount of confusion as well, as the entrenched bureaucracy unaccustomedly struggles to match the lumbering speed of administrative-processes with the political whirlwind that is Narendra Modi.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
081192
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
137824
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is axiomatic to state that India, as a sovereign independent nation, desires to use the seas for its own purposes while simultaneously preventing others from using them in ways that are to its disadvantage. The ‘ability’ to attain these twin objectives is what is known as ‘maritime power’, which comprises political, economic and military components.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
142805
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
137895
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As the geo-economic and geo-strategic competition-space between India and China coincides in the Indian Ocean, there is a significant possibility of this ‘competition’ transforming into ‘conflict’. The fact that China (including Hong Kong) is today India’s largest trading partner offers cold comfort, for history has repeatedly shown that trade-based inter-dependence between nations offers no bulwark against state-on-state conflict.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
135653
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The three-day period between November 12-14 this year found Hyderabad’s very considerable collection of Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) Labs, major Indian and international defence companies and conglomerates, as also a vast and untidy sprawl of defence-related Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME), congregating at the Novotel Hotel, located a couple of kilometres from the city’s very impressive GMR Rajiv Gandhi International Airport.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
145227
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
132814
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In the run-up to the forthcoming historic visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the US in September, it seems particularly pertinent for this edition of 'Maritime Meanders' to amble through some of the past and present (and even discern some element of the future) of the maritime component of the India-US defence relationship.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
128669
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
129941
|
|
|