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| 1 |
ID:
081277
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has adopted a state-centered approach towards energy security to deepen political and commercial relationships with all energy producing nations and to aggressively invest in oil fields and pipelines around the world. Applying this approach to its relations with its Asia-Pacific neighbors has produced mixed results. While China's energy diplomacy has brought about opportunities for cooperation with some of its neighbors, notably some countries in Central Asia and continental Southeast Asia, it has become a source of conflict with some other neighbors, especially those with border disputes over maritime territories which may have rich natural resources. This paper examines China's state-led search for energy security and its implications for China's relations with Asia-Pacific countries
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| 2 |
ID:
081281
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to examine how China perceives its energy security issues. A survey of its research on energy issues offers hints on how experts influence the Chinese leadership. This article briefly looks at the assessment of the energy situation in China and the policy programmes released to tackle the problems. It then analyses the policy programmes and evaluates the overall strategy. It mainly relies on published data from China to reflect a Chinese view. China in some ways would like to follow Japan's example in response to the international oil crises in the 1970s, i.e. upgrade its industrial structure, introduce energy conservation measures, develop new sources of energy supply, and engage in an 'energy diplomacy' to diversify and guarantee its energy supply.
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| 3 |
ID:
081280
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper uses a survey at six universities in China to analyze university students' views on China's energy problems. It finds that gender, the nature and location of a student's original community, and their level of education affects students' views about China's energy problems, as well as the types of solutions that are deemed to be most appropriate to manage this looming crisis. University students are quite concerned about China's energy situation. For them, it is already a crisis. They fear China will be controlled due to resource dependency, see the US as China's primary energy competitor, all the while advocating a more hawkish attitude towards Japan in the East China Sea. But, they look foremost to domestic solutions to this crisis, such as enhanced conservation, more efficient use of energy, new technologies, enhancing China's strategic reserve, and increased government taxation, particularly of large enterprises. When they look abroad, they support diversifying energy sources, increasing energy cooperation, particularly with Russia and Central Asia (but not with Japan), and some increase of the navy's role in enhancing sea lane and energy security
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| 4 |
ID:
081283
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks answers to three basic questions about the WTO's impact on domestic openness in China: is China a more open society as a result of its WTO membership; in what way has the WTO affected reform and openness; and, is WTO membership leading to political liberalization or translating into a demand for democracy as democracy advocates predicted? To this end, it identifies and analyzes the WTO-related reforms at central and local levels which have had the strongest impact thus far on openness to Chinese citizens. The analysis focuses on the reduction of the Party-state's control of economic activity as manifested in decreasing state monopoly and bureaucratic intervention in the sphere of economic activity, improved legal regulation, and increasing transparency of trade-related rules and rule-making. It argues that the varied depth and scope of the WTO's impact are attributable to differences in the congruence between the WTO principles and China's domestic political logic and the varying levels of effectiveness of external and internal pressure for change
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| 5 |
ID:
081284
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the dispersion of household income in the course of economic development in Taiwan. Statistics show that inequality of income has increased since the early 1980s as the rate of economic growth has declined from 11.6% in 1986 to 4.1% in 2005. The empirical result on the relationship between economic growth and income distribution also fails to support the conventional inverted-U Kuznets curve. Factors leading to change in income disparity may be attributed to variations in family formation, economic structures, and the recent change in political leadership and institutional policy. Among them, increased single-parent families deteriorate overall income share, although growth in the service sector helps to alleviate inequity. The new political governance and policy reform since 2000 are detected to aggravate income inequality
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| 6 |
ID:
081278
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper reviews Chinese and American energy futures, focusing in particular on long-term oil supply and demand, policy deliberations in China and (to a lesser extent) the United States on energy strategy and its implications for national-level decision making, and the implications of Sino-American energy futures for bilateral relations. There is far more commonality in the energy requirements of both countries than is often acknowledged, but this overlap is often obscured by domestic political agendas, corporate and bureaucratic interests, and the increasing tendency to view energy as a defense planning issue, in particular with reference to future Chinese and US maritime strategies. The conditions for heightened Sino-American energy collaboration exist, and some important initial steps have been undertaken toward this end. But sustained and far more vigorous governmental and institutional interactions will be needed to forestall the potential for heightened antagonism in the longer-term energy futures of both countries
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| 7 |
ID:
081279
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| 8 |
ID:
081286
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| 9 |
ID:
081282
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Concepts associated with theories of relative deprivation and distributive injustice are used to examine beliefs about overprivilege and underprivilege in the Chinese countryside. The data consist of interviews conducted with a probability sample of villagers residing in four counties. Open-ended questions were used to ascertain the magnitude and nature of felt injustices. Local officials are widely seen as unfairly advantaged and common people as widely disadvantaged, results that depart from those observed in western studies. The presence of personal problems and contextual features influence beliefs about local injustice. Even after controlling for other powerful predictors, perceptions of injustice continue to have a positive impact on local political activity. These results are interpreted in terms of the spheres and standards of justice and the relationship between distributive and procedural justice
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| 10 |
ID:
081285
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most of the conflicts and problems in Sino-Japanese relations have their roots in two main issues: the history of World War II and the status of Taiwan. And the historical and the Taiwan issues have been exacerbated by other disputes such as competing territorial claims, ownership of oil and gas fields in the East China Sea, and the location of the planned Siberian pipeline. In spite of these conflicts and frictions, it must be noted that there are broad common interests between China and Japan. Firstly, the Chinese and Japanese economies are highly complementary. Secondly, China and Japan working together to promote regional economic cooperation in Asia has important significance for peace and stability in the entire Asia-Pacific region. Thirdly, in the political and diplomatic arena, room for cooperation is even broader. The imminent issue at present is to seek an appropriate solution to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. There is both a need and a possibility for closer Sino-Japanese relations in spite of real difficulties and potential clashes. Current Sino-Japanese relations have unprecedented hopes, which particularly require people to view and handle the Sino-Japanese relations from a strategic height and in a long-term perspective. Friendly coexistence and win-win cooperation are the only right choices in line with the fundamental interests both of China and Japan
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