Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
087000
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
This study evaluates the order of magnitude of the monetary cost of achieving an international strategic limitation agreement on weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in an asymmetric arms race, with applications to the Israeli-Syrian and the North versus South Korean conflicts. It extends the Kagan et al. (2005) framework and develops a model of resource allocation between expenditure on civilian government consumption and on security in a non-cooperative (Cournot) arms race between a developed country and a less-developed country. The model is used to predict the optimal mix of weapons of the two countries engaged in the arms race, and to evaluate the applicability of international strategic WMD limitation agreements. Applying the model to the arms race between Israel and Syria shows that if considered from a purely monetary perspective, such an agreement, in which the monetary transfer to Syria is made by either Israel or a third party, is within reach. A strategic agreement to limit North Korea's WMD is also economically feasible, but only when the monetary transfer to North Korea is shouldered by a third party such as the USA or a coalition of neighboring countries.
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2 |
ID:
183980
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Summary/Abstract |
This article examines relations between the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the State of Israel from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1962 to 2020. It analyses the internal and external factors influencing their foreign and security policies as well as mutual misunderstandings and the attendant problems, notably the failure to sign a free trade agreement till 2020. Despite these difficulties, and the geostrategic complexity of the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, that influences Seoul’s interests in the region and its relations with Israel, the bilateral relationship will further improve once the free trade agreement is ratified by both states.
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3 |
ID:
112749
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
The turmoil in the Middle East (Arab uprisings), which began in Tunisia and swept
through Egypt, Syria and other parts of the Middle East, continues to destabilize
regimes in the region. What are the implications of these new revolutionizing
changes for the Middle East and for South Korean-Middle East economic, political,
and military relations? The Middle East turmoil might have implications not only
for South Korea but other nations as well. For example, if an uprising erupts in
Saudi Arabia and oil prices soar higher, it will influence the global oil market.
South Korea-Middle East relations have received less attention from the media
and from researchers over the years than North Korea-Middle East relations, which
focused mainly on the military trade and security cooperation between Pyongyang
and the Middle Eastern states. This paper analyzes the changes in South Korea's
Middle East policy since its establishment until the present. The paper sheds new
light on the implications that the Middle East turmoil has on South Korea-Middle
East relations.
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4 |
ID:
190053
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Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the ways in which concepts and tropes of the Holocaust are used as political instruments in a part of the world that was not immediately affected by its events. It reviews the use of these concepts in selected cases from areas of political conflict in South Korea, Malaysia, and China and compares them with a view to finding a common denominator specific to these Asian countries. The article questions the futility of the current attempt to regulate definitions of antisemitism and its detachment from the realities of politics and academic and public discourse, especially in Asia. Finally, it demonstrates that the semantics of the Holocaust in the selected cases seldom signify anti-Jewish sentiment but are used for other rhetorical and political purposes.
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5 |
ID:
081494
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the reasons that led to the six United States forces withdrawals from South Korea between 1947 and 2008 and the Republic of Korea's responses to these policies. The article discusses the local and global aspects of these forces' functions and tasks and attempts to understand why Korea has not prepared itself for the withdrawal of the US forces throughout the years. The article will argue that there might be a seventh withdrawal of US forces from Korea in the near future, which South Korea and the USA should begin preparing for
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