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| 1 |
ID:
127487
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE SOVIET Chief Engineering Directorate (GIU, now FSVTS - the Russian Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation) was established in accordance with the USSR Council of Ministers Resolution No. 6749 of May 8, 1953. Colonel-General G.S. Sidorovich became the first chief of the GIU with a staff of 238 (160 army officers and 78 civilian employees), his deputies being Engineer Colonel M.A. Sergeychik and Rear Admiral G.V. Yurin.1
Of course, Soviet cooperation with foreign countries in the military-technical sphere had begun long before that, although perhaps it was from this time that it began to directly influence the foreign policy of our country.
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| 2 |
ID:
128405
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Picture yourself locked "in a dimly lit, windowless concrete box, approximately nine feet long by four feet wide," with a bamboo mat and a bucket, one or both of your ankles locked in irons, left there like a caged animal. Now imagine spending two years there, alone-the isolation interrupted only by routine interrogation and occasional torture sessions, some lasting days-and you are getting close to describing the experiences of a handful of American prisoners of war whose North Vietnamese hosts had designated them as troublemakers. These were the men of Alcatraz. In all, more than three hundred and fifty American servicemen were being held captive by North Vietnam when US involvement ended in 1973. Few tales of American valor are as dramatic and gut-wrenching as those of the Vietnam-era POWs, some of whom were held for eight years, twice the length of US involvement in the Second World War. Defiant, by Alvin Townley, whose previous book chronicled the world of US Navy aviation, is the story of eleven of these captives whose leadership and resistance to their captors' treatment, including efforts to use them for propaganda purposes, caused the North Vietnamese so much trouble they were rounded up, blindfolded, and removed to a special prison they dubbed Alcatraz. They would spend two years there, isolated from the main group of American prisoners, segregated even from one another, forbidden to communicate amongst themselves, and tortured repeatedly for their refusal to capitulate. According to a camp functionary they nicknamed "Rabbit," the Alcatraz Eleven were the "darkest criminals who persist in inciting the other criminals to oppose the Camp Authority." We would call them heroes.
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| 3 |
ID:
081542
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the process of transformation of domestic trade in the early independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam, focusing on the grain sector. It argues that, after the severe food crisis of the spring of 1955, the regime called for structural changes and tried to establish a predominant socialist trade system, without however resorting to a state monopoly, but failed to implement the new institutions of socialist trade. The study further shows that this failure, together with other domestic policy issues, compelled the leaders of the DRV to tolerate de facto until about the second half of 1959 a modus vivendi between the state grain sector and the private economic actors. It also demonstrates that these institutional arrangements and innovative procurement policies were in fact quite successful: the food supplies, sold through the public distribution system and the market channels, were on the whole adequate; and the state procurement of paddy increased noticeably. However, because of heated debates in the Political Bureau, partly due to the failure of the state policy, this compromise came to an abrupt end in April 1959 and was followed by a rapid and drastic shift towards the construction of socialism. As a result, private trade had practically disappeared by the end of 1960.
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| 4 |
ID:
143861
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| Summary/Abstract |
Historians have long recognized the significance of Article 14(d) of the Geneva Agreement, which helped precipitate a refugee exodus from northern Vietnam. The origins of the clause itself remain obscure, however. This study argues that the administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower played a critical role in pushing for the clause's inclusion in the Geneva settlement. Thwarted in its efforts to save the French in Indochina by military intervention, and forced to acquiesce in the conceding of territory to Ho Chi Minh, the administration's support for the article was an exercise in diplomatic and domestic damage limitation. In addition, the clause formed part of the administration's post-Geneva strategy aimed at bolstering Ngo Dinh Diem and the rump southern polity left in the wake of Vietnam's partition.
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| 5 |
ID:
045844
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| Publication |
Bankok, SEATO Publishers, 1970.
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| Description |
30p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 006540 | 959.7043/PIK 006540 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
140670
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| Publication |
London, George Allen and unwin Ltd, 1968.
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| Description |
200p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
043270271
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 003683 | 959.704331/GER 003683 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
139609
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the restoration of the Lê dynasty, the Red River delta region was flooded with military men who set up and controlled irregular departments from the end of the sixteenth to the first half of the seventeenth century. The imperial administration became a shell during the Lê-Trịnh period, with the Trịnh Lords as de facto rulers who constructed their own parallel government on the basis of these local departments. This analysis of contemporary inscriptions indicates that the Trịnh Lords subsequently expanded their administration and secured their rule by absorbing large numbers of Red River delta literati, while retaining many eunuchs in influential financial and military roles. Overall, the Trịnh bureaucracy, comprising of the Lục Phiên and Lục Cung, was a kind of financial organisation combined with a military district system because it harnessed the existing military organisation.
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| 8 |
ID:
150078
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Behind the public display of Sino–North Vietnamese unity in the anti-American resistance during the height of the People’s Republic of China’s Cultural Revolution from 1965 to 1969, Beijing’s insistence on Hanoi’s acceptance of Maoist ideology coupled with its assertive demand for Hanoi to denounce Soviet revisionism politicised its economic and technical assistance to North Vietnam. Although appreciating Beijing’s enthusiasm to aid North Vietnam, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam [DRV] resented Beijing’s political and ideological objective of promoting Maoism and anti-Soviet revisionism in North Vietnam. In response, the DRV government asserted independent decision-making and bureaucratic control over the management of foreign economic and technical aid, which in turn collided with the Chinese assertion of superiority and insistence on their control over all China-aided projects. The fragmentation of Chinese bureaucratic institutions and the political chauvinism of some radical Maoists at the Chinese Embassy in Hanoi, who oversaw Chinese aid to North Vietnam, further hindered Beijing’s ability to exert significant influence over Hanoi.
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| 9 |
ID:
124273
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| Publication |
2013.
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This essay considers the importance of looking at writings for children for historical analysis, particularly in times of war, focusing on magazines published for youth in South Vietnam in the early 1970s. Two magazines, Thi?u Nhi and Th?ng B?m, in particular, are studied in terms of their editorial aims and contents, as well as their young readers' submissions in response to contemporary sociocultural issues raised in these magazines. The lively discussions in these magazines were made possible by the relative freedom of expression in South Vietnam, compared to North Vietnam, which was an important reason for the civil war being fought. Yet this freedom also challenged the fabric of Vietnamese society. The strongest concern of these magazines' initiators, editors and writers was that its readers not lose their sense of being Vietnamese in the face of the great wartime flood of American popular culture that captivated many youth. Anxiety that the younger generation would be Americanised and lose their identity struck at the core of what the war was being fought about: i.e. different versions of being Vietnamese in the modern world. This threat of Americanisation to fundamental Vietnamese values was perceived by some intellectuals in the South as more serious than the threat of communism, because at least the communists were Vietnamese.
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| 10 |
ID:
179333
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This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.
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| 11 |
ID:
047191
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| Publication |
Kansas, University Press of Kansas, 2000.
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| Description |
x, 347p.hbk
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| Series |
Modern War Studies
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| Standard Number |
0700610022
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044711 | 959.70438/CON 044711 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
026348
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| Publication |
Sanfrancisco, Canefield press, 1971.
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| Description |
xiv, 272p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 013430 | 959.7043/RAM 013430 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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