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| 1 |
ID:
092644
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| 2 |
ID:
123655
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| 3 |
ID:
091971
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What are the ethical implications of the shortcomings of liberal peacebuilding operations? This article addresses the problem by investigating the normative premises of liberal peacebuilding and its critics. Three ideal types of peacebuilding are singled out to illuminate the normative logic of current 'revisionist' proposals. These are: 're-liberal peacebuilding' which prescribes a more coercive approach; 'social peacebuilding' that emphasizes local agency and the promotion of socioeconomic rights; and 'multicultural peacebuilding' that roots peace in indigenous norms and institutions. These alternatives are assessed with regard to their ability to promote both the autonomy and the basic needs of the affected population. It is concluded that only 'social peacebuilding' passes this test. It exemplifies a model of global governance where a cosmopolitan human rights agenda is consistent with the communitarian defence of political autonomy and cultural diversity.
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| 4 |
ID:
087680
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article offers a review of centre-periphery relations and local politics in the Afghan province of Badakhshan from the 1980s to the post-2001 era. It maps the local powerbrokers and charts the transformations that occurred during this period, with particular reference to the impact of the central government's policies on local political alignments and relations of power. The key argument is that President Karzai's and the cabinet's behaviour towards Badakhshani politics was aimed at re-establishing a patrimonial system, rather than at institution-building as claimed. Unable or unwilling to successfully deal with established local players, Kabul resorted to sponsoring new players in local politics and facilitating their rise in order to weaken more independent powerbrokers. However, a local perception of weakness in Kabul, not least due to uncertainty over the durability of the Karzai administration, led local players, old and new, to behave with very short-term horizons, as 'roving bandits' rather than as 'stationary' ones.
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| 5 |
ID:
159905
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| Summary/Abstract |
Both liberal and corporatist consociational systems are often characterized by identity-based networks that rely on clientelism and are difficult to hold accountable. This article uses Beirut's 2015 garbage crisis and 2016 municipal elections to argue that cities can be important sites for building new civic networks because cities often have resources and frames that can be used to mobilize individuals in different ethnosectarian networks. These civic networks, by promoting ideas of citizenship and state accountability, can be a significant factor in increasing liberalism in consociational systems.
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| 6 |
ID:
110111
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The past decade has been marked by the resurgence of leftist political movements across Latin America. The rise of the 'new left' masks the ambivalent relationships these movements have with broader society, and their struggle to find an alternative to the prevailing development model. Filling the void left by failed public banks, the microfinance sector has grown significantly across the continent in an increasingly commercial form. Analysis of Nicaragua, Ecuador and Bolivia reveals that their new governments share a common distrust of microfinance. Yet, in the absence of viable alternatives for financial service provision, governments and microfinance stakeholders are forced to coexist. The environment in which they do so varies greatly, depending on local political and institutional factors. Some common trends can nevertheless be discerned. Paradoxically, the sector seems to be polarised into two competing approaches which reinforce the most commercially oriented institutions on the one hand, and the most subsidised on the other, gradually eliminating the economically viable microfinance institutions which have tried to strike a balance between social objectives and the market.
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| 7 |
ID:
141158
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Political reform after the departure of President Soeharto’s New Order (1966–1998) provided opportunities for previously oppressed social groups to express their concerns and to demand fair recognition. The results of this newly found freedom have been quite immediately visible in Jakarta, where social and political institutions spearheaded by Chinese originally sprouted. In the regions, political participation of ethnic Chinese has also grown; significantly in those regions with a large Chinese population. In West Kalimantan, the number of Chinese being elected to local parliaments in some regions has doubled. They have also contested numerous direct local executive elections since 2003 and have been successful in winning four posts: a mayor, a district head, a deputy district head, and a deputy governor. By looking at the case of West Kalimantan, this article will examine the factors behind the growth in Chinese political activism, the factors contributing to the success of Chinese candidates in elections, how the Chinese have influenced local and provincial politics, and the challenges they are facing.
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| 8 |
ID:
120590
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2013.
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Broader structural developments in Japan in the past two decades-decline of clientelist practices, partisan de-alignment, and decentralization-have dissolved traditionally close ties between national and local party systems, creating an environment conducive to the emergence of local parties. In this context, popular chief executives in four regions launched new parties. I trace how these parties emerged and how national parties reacted to them, from the appearance of the new-party leaders to the 2011 local elections. In comparing the four cases, two factors appear to shape their trajectories: the urbanness of their electoral environments and the responses of the two national parties at the local and the national level. In dealing with the new challengers, both the Liberal Democratic Party and Democratic Party of Japan experienced considerable intraparty conflict and defections, indicating a process of delinking between national and local party systems.
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| 9 |
ID:
106332
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| 10 |
ID:
120007
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Do local systems of patronage in Indonesia cause or prevent intercommunal violence? In analysing the September 2010 ethnic riots in Tarakan, East Kalimantan, this article illustrates one mechanism by which clientelism can lead to violent communal conflict. Ethnic organizations claiming to represent the marginalized indigenous community engaged in a form of 'ethnic outbidding' in order to intimidate their way into local patronage networks. Apparent leadership of an aggrieved indigenous community gave organizations access to state resources that they would not otherwise have had. In order to sustain this status, however, these organizations were obliged to respond vigorously to any apparent insults to the community, thereby increasing the risks of intercommunal conflict.
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| 11 |
ID:
148316
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This article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation.
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| 12 |
ID:
142484
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The complex constitutional system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, intended to ensure power sharing between the three main ethnic groups, is characterized by a variety of veto rights in the legislative process. Not only has this system prevented swift decision making but it also discriminates parts of Bosnian society that do not belong to one of the three constituent peoples. The European Union, alongside other organizations, has for years called for these shortcomings to be addressed but has failed in its efforts to bring the intransigent Bosnian policy makers to agree on a compromise and to end the political stalemate in the country. The EU's activities to support constitutional reform were themselves ill fated. By introducing three criteria to systematically analyze the EU's policies, the article illustrates that the EU, after initial reluctance to become seriously engaged as a mediator in the reform negotiations, applied its conditionality inconsistently.
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| 13 |
ID:
142706
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Mao's Great Famine in Wuwei County, Anhui Province, between the years of 1958 and 1960, resulted in the deaths of about 245,000 people, a quarter of the local population. By focusing on grain production and consumption, this article adopts a local perspective to examine the county's official archives and analyse the background, rationale, and processes of local authorities that led to one of the highest death rates in the country. A local perspective provides an empirical microanalysis of the Great Famine; illustrates the complexity of this catastrophe; argues for local factors such as factional struggles, central-local interactions, and the political atmosphere created by the series of pre-1958 campaigns as key to local variations of the disaster; and delivers national implications for viewing Mao's China. Official archives explored in this article reveal that an over-reporting of grain output might have resulted in the Great Famine, but did not necessarily lead to the massive death toll, and that local politics, particularly intra-party factional struggles, intertwined with central-local political interactions, were crucial for the terrible tragedy that ensued in Wuwei, and that the end of this famine resulted not from peasants’ resistance, nor the change of radical polices to moderate ones, but from the decreased demand for grain caused by the massive number of deaths.
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| 14 |
ID:
129562
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Turkey, important decentralization measures were taken after the 1980s. The new administrative model gave local governments the role of dealing with social exclusion while financing social welfare expenditures through entrepreneurial investment of their non-material resources. This study is an attempt to discuss how such a challenge for local governments has been resolved through the analysis of gendering impacts of three decentralization reform programs.
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| 15 |
ID:
133185
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper exploits the substantial variation in market institutions across provinces in China to examine the impact of institutional quality on foreign listing. Firms that are listed on the U.S. and U.K. exchanges are more likely to come from better regulated provinces and tend to be at the top of a corporate pyramid. However, though the impact on firm performance of market institutions and pyramidal affiliations persists briefly post-listing with firms recording lower EPS and higher raw returns in the first year, it does not help predict whether firms remain listed abroad in 2012. Thus, we conclude that headquarters' market institutions shape a firm through time of listing and have diminished influence over time.
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| 16 |
ID:
130587
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The first decade of the new century had seen an increase in rights-protection protests in urban China. The main participants of these protests were local middle-class residents who initiated protests to raise issues on specific economic and social problems as opposed to abstract sociopolitical issues. They have started to claim rights which were granted to citizens by law in principle but never actually delivered. The sociopolitical changes facilitate the emergence and success of middle-class protests, which in turn have contributed to the improvement of local governance and positively reshaped local politics. However, their influence on the macro political structure of China remains to be seen.
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| 17 |
ID:
154235
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Why does South Sudan continue to experience endemic, low intensity conflicts punctuated by catastrophic civil wars? Reporters and analysts often mischaracterise conflicts in the young country of South Sudan as products of divisive ‘tribal’ or ‘ethnic’ rivalries and political competition over oil wealth. More nuanced analyses by regional experts have focused almost exclusively on infighting among elite politicians and military officers based in Juba and other major cities who use patronage networks to ethnicise conflicts. This paper argues instead that civilian militias known as the Nuer White Army have consistently rebelled against elites who they blame for mounting inequalities between urban areas and the rural communities regardless of their ethnicity. While unable to stop governments and NGOs from funnelling almost all their resources to the cities, these militias have consistently mobilised local resources for violent campaigns that redistribute wealth by pillaging urban areas.
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| 18 |
ID:
119709
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| 19 |
ID:
132018
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| Publication |
2014.
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In the late sixties Canadian young people drew attention to global humanitarian crises through the relatively recent innovation of the hunger march. At its peak of popularity, the Miles for Millions walkathon functioned not only as a fundraising tool but as a consciousness-raising vehicle around issues of global significance, including famine, poverty, and war. Children and youth played both symbolic and material roles in the emergence of international development politics and praxis and were fundamental to making the walkathons a spectacular fundraising success. The Walk helped hundreds of thousands of young people imagine themselves belonging to a transnational community in which children mattered. At the same time, imagining global connections between children and youth became intrinsic to Canadian students' sense of nation that insisted on the importance of the country's response to international need. Empathic, emphatic, idealistic, and at times naïve, Canadian youth met the challenge of the Miles for Millions walkathon and were responsible for the millions of foundational dollars raised for the era's international development projects.
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| 20 |
ID:
147654
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In recent years, the Japanese conservatives’ dominance in local politics appears to be less of an asset, as traditional analyses claim, and more of a liability. This article argues that the LDP’s entrenched local party organizations have become a restraint on party leadership in pursing key national policy initiatives.
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