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1 |
ID:
160497
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Summary/Abstract |
Since Vietnam and China normalised their ties in 1991, high-ranking leaders of the two countries have arrived at a common awareness on various issues with a view to promoting a relationship based on friendship, equality and mutual benefit. However, in reality, a big gap still exists between awareness and practice. There is a certain ‘phase deviation’, which leads to differences in assessment and approaches to the development of bilateral relations. Two-way trade has developed in a fast but imbalanced manner. China’s direct investments in Vietnam have not been on par with its potential. Many projects have been contracted, but a number of issues in terms of quality, technology and environmental protection have surfaced. Two out of three territorial and border issues have been settled, but the one concerning the Biển Ðông (the East Sea, or South China Sea) has become increasingly complicated. At present, the Vietnam–China relationship has entered a new phase of development with new requirements and demands as well as new opportunities and challenges.
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2 |
ID:
138435
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Summary/Abstract |
After the deterioration of Russian–Western relations over Ukraine, Moscow has shown itself keen to reinvigorate its relationship with Beijing as a preferred partner – especially but not exclusively in the all-important energy sector. In addition, the two countries’ common ambitions for a multipolar international structure enhance the mutual benefits of a strong partnership. Yet, Sarah Lain argues, the Sino–Russian relationship is characterised by increasing inequality, as Moscow finds itself needing Beijing more than Beijing needs Moscow.
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3 |
ID:
159687
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Summary/Abstract |
The free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and the European Union holds the promise of strengthened political collaboration and increasing economic integration. Both Australia and the European Union note increasing bilateral trade and investment. Oftentimes, data does not take current trends in global-value-chain participation for intermediary goods and services movements into account. Behind this sit the cross-border strategies and activities of business entities, whether multinationals or large, small or medium-sized enterprises. This article provides an in-depth investigation of the premise stemming from an FTA for Australian business. What advantages can politics hope to support through a business perspective? What is the global-value-chain part of the story, and what are the business challenges ahead? How can economic policy help shape this FTA to foster a productive bilateral business environment in a geopolitical and geoeconomic context in which regionalisation has taken on new momentum? Specific focus is given to the analysis of the higher education sector and to agriculture. These are two of the leading sectors in this FTA debate. Generating business value means setting negotiation agendas to target tariff and non-tariff barriers to counterbalance ambiguity in the conditions that shape the global business environment.
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4 |
ID:
111767
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5 |
ID:
103979
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6 |
ID:
135444
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Summary/Abstract |
If current trends continue, the trade relationship between Ethiopia and India will continue to grow in importance. As its economy modernises and exports increase, Ethiopia will send a steadily larger number of products. Through its EXIM bank, India has made several significant investments in the Ethiopian state-run sugar industry and in reconnecting Addis Ababa and Djibouti by rail. Indian FDI into Ethiopia has also grown in recent years as Indian companies take advantage of fire-sale land rates and tax holidays.
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7 |
ID:
113259
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Publication |
2010.
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Summary/Abstract |
Friendly and beneficial relations with the countries of West Asia, and the Gulf region in particular, have remained a key component of India's foreign policy on account of geopolitical, economic and strategic interests. The reasons for significance of this region for India now go beyond the assured supplies of energy resources. While non-alignment as a bonding has declined in bilateral relations with countries like Egypt after the end of the Cold War, the opportunities for trade and investments have gained salience in India's relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. The political uncertainty over the representative character of regimes in many countries of the region, the political fallout of the United States' policies and interests in respect of Iraq, Iran and the Palestine issue, along with India's new priorities in the form of stronger linkages with both the US and Israel could impinge on India's role in the region. It is in India's economic and strategic interest to maintain a positive relationship with all the West Asian countries by avoiding any undue influence from the US or Israel. It is also incumbent on India to stand by the people's voice for the introduction of genuine democratic political systems in these countries.
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8 |
ID:
081896
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
The next US president will be elected in November 2008. Since the relative stabilization of war in Iraq, the economy has become the national priority of the 2008 US election. In their campaign efforts, the Democrats have enjoyed greater momentum than the Republicans, in terms of polls, fund-raising and corporate support. After the Bush era, the next president will seek to restore America's leadership and to engage in multilateralism. Since the 1990s, China has been the most rapidly-growing US export destination. In terms of US-Chinese trade and investment, the next president, if a Democrat, will, among other issues, review trade agreements and has pledged to co-sponsor legislation that would allow US companies to seek anti-dumping duties on Chinese imports based on the perceived undervaluation of the Chinese currency. If a Republican, the next president will support global integration and oppose protectionist measures. The Democratic Congress is likely to oppose Republican policies in general and free trade policies in particular. Both scenarios imply increasing pressure on US-Chinese trade and investment relationships. Because these two nations now account for almost half of global growth, the state of the futureUS-Chinese bilateral relationship has worldwide implications
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