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| 1 |
ID:
081348
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nationalism and multiculturalism are often perceived as polar opposites with the former viewed as the disease and the latter the cure. Contrary to this view, this article argues that a strong national identity, albeit of a particular kind, is prerequisite to a stable and functioning multicultural society. The article seeks to identify both the causes and the implications of the absence of an overarching, civic national identity in Britain, further to the goal of seeking a meaningful solution. It is our contention that the problem lies in the difficulty involved in reconciling current pressures on British identity with a coherent narrative of British history, especially its imperial past
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| 2 |
ID:
081351
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Debates over the relationship between citizenship and national identity are political battles that define regimes and their citizens. Transjordanian nationalists, the dominant voices in this debate in Jordan, assert that national identity trumps legal citizenship. In contrast, Jordanian pluralists define the political community through shared citizenship in the state, regardless of national origin. Both nationalists and pluralists use the concepts of choice, loyalty, and the melting pot to put forth their versions of Jordanian citizenship and to contest the distribution of political and economic power that maintains the Jordanian regime
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| 3 |
ID:
081349
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The EU's Peace Programs in Ireland have promoted the cross-border activity of Third sector (voluntary and community) groups. Potentially, such activity gives substantive meaning to regional cross-border governance and helps to ameliorate ethno-national conflict by providing positive sum outcomes for "post-conflict" communities. The paper mobilizes focused research conducted by the authors to explore this potential. It finds that while regional cross-border governance has indeed developed under the Peace Programs, the sustainability of the social partnerships underpinning this governance is uncertain and its significance for conflict resolution is qualified by difficulties experienced in forming a stable power-sharing arrangement at the political-elite level
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| 4 |
ID:
081352
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Multinational corporations (MNCs) and their economies of production and distribution are based on the concept that the world is one market where the boundaries of the nation-states do not intrude in the sale of the products. Typically, MNC's products are most often centrally manufactured and distributed throughout the world with often no difference in the products that are sold in different countries. However, while it is found that the products can ignore the national boundaries, the process of marketing them cannot. This paper explores the process by which MNCs employ nationalist ideologies as a marketing tool through an analysis of television advertisements of MNCs in India. India offers a good case study in view of cultural nationalism that dictates her national identity and the path of economic liberalization that the country launched into 15 years ago
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| 5 |
ID:
081350
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political community is the social basis for modern democracies. A strong political community is particularly difficult to achieve when different social cleavages, such as ethnic identities, "divide" society into more or less stable and mutually exclusive groups. At the same time, inequality in the distribution of income and property can generate class-based cleavages. Using survey data from Bolivia and Guatemala, this paper focuses on the effect of ethnicity on the strength of citizens' attachment to their nations. Findings suggest that ethnicity has a relevant effect on the way people feel about the nation only when ethnic differences are consistent with socioeconomic cleavages, but socioeconomic differences have an effect that is independent from other factors
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