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ID:
082208
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although it is commonly believed that democracy promotes public services such as education, efforts have just started to evaluate empirically how the recent trend of democratization affects education services in the developing world. This article reports on the first regionwide investigation in East Asia. By studying the effects of democracy on multiple education indicators in a time-series-cross-section dataset of eight East Asian countries/political entities, the article examines whether democratic governments increase education spending and access and which social groups are favored in the process. The statistical results, which are corroborated by findings from two case studies, show that democracy plays a progressive role in promoting education spending and school enrollment at the basic level in East Asia
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| 2 |
ID:
086609
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper attempts to explore key determinants of competitiveness in the textile and apparel industries, with special reference to Chinese Mainland. The authors conduct a survey that is designed to use productivity, supply-side and demand-side determinants to measure enterprises' competitiveness. The collected survey data is then analyzed using factor analysis to capture the related determining factors indicative of competitiveness at the enterprise level. The findings demonstrate that government policies and related industry infrastructure are the most important determinants of competitiveness in the textile and apparel industries, followed by domestic demand. This suggests that the improvement of industry infrastructure can foster industry performance, and that more resources should be endowed to enhance the domestic business competitiveness of local enterprises. The development of domestic demand will foster the competitiveness of the textile and apparel industries on a more sustainable basis.
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| 3 |
ID:
132594
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whereas the technical feasibility of solar water heaters (SWHs) has long been established, the economic feasibility of SWHs in regional China remains to be examined. This paper constructs cost models to calculate costs per unit energy saving of SWHs in 27 Chinese provincial capital cities. The cost effectiveness of SWHs is examined at the national level. At a micro level, we analyze the financial attractiveness of consumers' investment in SWHs. A panel data model is employed to evaluate the effectiveness of a subsidy program in rural China. The results show that SWH costs, ranging from 0.305 to 0.744 CNY/kW h, are much lower than those of other major renewable energies across China. This finding indicates that the diffusion of SWHs is a cost-effective way to reach China's renewable energy target. For consumers, incentive programs for SWHs are needed to improve the financial attractiveness of the devices in China. Existing subsidy policies for rural China have failed to significantly enhance the deployment of SWHs. The causes of the failure are examined and a new incentive program is suggested for rural areas of the country.
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| 4 |
ID:
085970
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2009.
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China's attitude towards UNPKOs has experienced two shifts since the 1980s. One is about changing from non-financial-support, non-voting, and non-participation concerning peacekeeping to financial-support, voting, and participation in 1981. The other shift concerns China's gradual change in its attitude toward non-traditional peacekeeping over the 1990s. This paper provides a norm perspective on the issue. Specifically the author argues that China's attitude toward UNPKOs changed as a result of the change in international norm from prioritizing sovereignty to prioritizing human rights, and the diffusion of the norm of human rights into China through a variety of agents such as foreign policy elites and two special groups of PLA officers.
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| 5 |
ID:
147608
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Scholars associate high tides of petitioning Beijing with changes in the central leadership and decreases of petitioning Beijing with the coercion and bribery tactics used by local officials. Yet it remains a mystery why some regions have a larger amount of petitions to Beijing than others. This article analyzes a unique dataset on petitioning Beijing in one province in 2004 and finds that the level of development is a significant factor in predicting the frequency of petitioning Beijing at the county level. Another unique analysis of petitions filed to the Ministry of Civil Affairs Xitong across 31 provincial regions supports the above finding, which may be generalized to petitioning at all levels of government.Scholars associate high tides of petitioning Beijing with changes in the central leadership and decreases of petitioning Beijing with the coercion and bribery tactics used by local officials. Yet it remains a mystery why some regions have a larger amount of petitions to Beijing than others. This article analyzes a unique dataset on petitioning Beijing in one province in 2004 and finds that the level of development is a significant factor in predicting the frequency of petitioning Beijing at the county level. Another unique analysis of petitions filed to the Ministry of Civil Affairs Xitong across 31 provincial regions supports the above finding, which may be generalized to petitioning at all levels of government.
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| 6 |
ID:
092874
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2009.
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This article explores the trial of Japanese war criminals by the People's Republic of China in the 1950s and explains why China decided to try these war criminals in a lenient and humanitarian way, why the trial was held only in 1956 and not earlier, and how these Japanese war criminals were persuaded to change their stance from stubborn denial to open confession of their guilt and regrets. Drawing on declassified documents concerning the trial released by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in May 2006, this article finds that the timing and the conduct of the trial were intertwined with China's political strategy in relation to Japan at that period of time.
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