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ID:
082132
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Because American populism has traditionally been associated with indigenous themes and inward perspectives, it has never been thought to be particularly relevant to the United States' outlook upon the international order or its understanding of the generic requirements of foreign policy-making. However, recent developments surrounding the formulation and prosecution of the war on terror have cast doubts on this negative correlation. Using four thematic and analytical categories, the article reveals President Bush's close dependency upon characteristically populist principles in the way that the issue was presented to, and mediated with, the American public. It surveys the way that the Bush team employed populist narratives in advocating the need for alternative channels of international action outside both the customary agencies of collective security and the established conventions of international law. Although the usage of populist techniques was initially effective, the administration subsequently experienced some of the defects that have traditionally afflicted populism as an agency of political transformation
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| 2 |
ID:
082135
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2008.
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The issue of dispute settlement is problematic in the international system because it may conflict with sovereignty. States may find, however, that in order to facilitate cooperation, they should delegate some authority to resolve disputes to a third party. This article seeks to provide a measure for dispute settlement authority and some explanation for the delegation aspect of international cooperation by examining why states agree to grant dispute settlement authority to a particular kind of institutional arrangement, conventional international governmental organizations (IGOs). The analysis reveals that states tend to enter into IGO agreements with a higher degree of dispute settlement authority when members have a greater incentive to defect due either to the large number of other parties to the agreement, or due to greater cooperative demands as provided by the agreement
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| 3 |
ID:
082134
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA) was one of the major achievements of Anglo-Irish diplomacy during the course of the Troubles. Yet its importance has been misunderstood and often ignored in subsequent histories of the development of the conflict and the peace process. This article seeks to re-evaluate the AIA. It examines the purposes of the agreement, taking issue with a number of the existing explanations. It is argued that London and Dublin had conflicting analyses of what the AIA was designed to do, which led to disappointment in both states with its impact. These differences also made it difficult for academics to accurately characterize the accord. However, the AIA played a profound and imperative role in shaping the subsequent peace process, but this arose out of consequences of the Agreement that were, despite recent claims to the contrary, unanticipated, and indeed unintended, by those who drew up the document
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| 4 |
ID:
082131
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most attempts to theorize religious resurgence rest on assumptions that reveal more about the social and cultural foundations of contemporary international relations than they do about the phenomenon under study. These assumptions encourage scholars to see religion as either an irrational force to be expelled from modern public life or as the foundation of entrenched competition between rival civilizations. I present an alternative theorization that identifies religious resurgence whenever authoritative secularist settlements of the relationship between religion and politics are challenged. Through a case study of the rise of Islamic political identity in Turkey, I show that the religious resurgence is neither epiphenomenal nor evidence of cultural incommensurability. It is instead a manifestation of attempts to reconfigure modern divisions between the sacred and the secu
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| 5 |
ID:
082133
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
America's evangelical community are usually seen to be little more than cheerleaders for the Bush administration's activist foreign policy. However, there is much going on in this diverse community, which has begun to develop its own ideas about foreign policy, many of which contradict realist and neo-conservative approaches. Tracing the development of the community's interest in foreign affairs, the article focuses on the three most important contemporary issues for America's conservative Protestants (CPs): solidarity with the oppressed; concern over and use of international institutions (and with Europe); and support for Israel. There is a growing coherence among America's (white) CPs, which will be of increasing relevance to America's partners and friends
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