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| 1 |
ID:
149304
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the dynamics of the Chinese diaspora within the multiple layers of China–Malaysia relations by drawing on the five dimensions—‘ethnoscapes’, ‘mediascapes’, ‘technoscapes’, ‘financescapes’ and ‘ideoscapes’—advanced by the anthropologist Arjun Appadurai in his model of global cultural flow. Certainly, the different labels associated with the ethnic Chinese in Malaysia reflect how their identities vary over time, space and situation. In this article, two case studies—transnational education and second homes—are examined, as they involve contemporary China’s institutions as well as the Chinese diaspora, old and new. In both cases, it is clear that, while racial stereotypes still linger to some extent, economic factors are of increasing importance for all parties involved. This finding is substantiated when the diasporic relations are further considered from an historical perspective, in order to understand how China, Malaysia and the Chinese diaspora are presently positioned within the globalization era.
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| 2 |
ID:
188498
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SHORTLY before US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's provocative visit to Taiwan in August 2022, Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping called for more intensive work with patriotic elements in Taiwan and abroad, including the Chinese diaspora in the US. This means that, along with military and economic measures, China is planning to make more use of its secret weapon, Chinese Americans, to lobby its interests in the US.
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| 3 |
ID:
183451
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This article studies PRC policy toward the Chinese diaspora during the periods of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (from 1993 to the present). This period saw the evolution of mechanisms created earlier for working abroad with Chinese expatriates (huaqiao-huareri), domestically with huaqiao-huaren who have returned to China, relatives of émigrés, and émigrés who have returned to China (guiqiao-qiaojuan) in a flexible system capable of adapting to the Chinese and international reality and effectively drawing the resources of the diaspora to implementing grand PRC projects and initiatives.
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| 4 |
ID:
183452
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies PRC policy toward the Chinese diaspora during the periods of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (from 1993 to the present). This period saw the evolution of mechanisms created earlier for working abroad with Chinese expatriates (huaqiao-huaren), domestically with huaqiao-huaren who have returned to China, relatives of émigrés, and émigrés who have returned to China (guiqiao-qiaojuan) in a flexible system capable of adapting to Chinese and international reality and effectively drawing the resources of the diaspora to implementing grand PRC projects and initiatives.
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| 5 |
ID:
085860
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What readers will not find in the book The Chinese in Britain. 1800-Present:Economy, Transnationalism, Identity is obsession with taking up any particular theoretical lens to scrutinize and magnify issues pertaining to the Chinese diaspora.
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| 6 |
ID:
166631
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| Summary/Abstract |
The objective of this study is to identify the factors that contribute to the successful or unsuccessful integration of the Chinese diaspora in France. There is already a significant amount of literature that probes into the immigrant experiences of various other groups in France. However, the Chinese diaspora in France has remained insufficiently studied. This study aims to address this gap. The main findings of this study are that 1) unsurprisingly, the older the age of arrival, the less well integrated immigrants are in French society, 2) somewhat surprisingly, the less well integrated an immigrant is, the more likely he or she is going to believe that France is a tolerant and open-minded country, and 3) counterintuitively, the more deeply a member of the Chinese diaspora is immersed in French society, the more likely he or she is going to believe that France is hostile to people of Asian heritage.
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| 7 |
ID:
095210
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
An International Scholarly Conference on problems of the Chinese diaspora overseas was held in Auckland, New Zealand, on July 18-19, 2009. It was organized by the New Zealand Chinese Association Auckland and the International Society for the Studies of Chinese Overseas (ISSCO). The School for Asian Studies of Auckland University headed by Professor Ip Manying took an active part in preparing the conference.
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| 8 |
ID:
082602
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2008.
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In the global information age, the Chinese diaspora has been empowered by information and communication technologies, and is increasingly involved in China's politics and foreign policy. This article examines the role of the Chinese digital diaspora in Beijing's national image-building efforts, in the context of China's rise to the status of a global power. While the digital diaspora has helped strengthen China's international broadcasting power and has contributed to establishing a favourable national image, the increasing opportunities for communication and building connections can expose a "real China" to the outside world, and have harmful effects on China's image. This article argues that the Chinese digital diaspora represents a double-edged sword
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| 9 |
ID:
112504
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese communities resident in Mexico and Cuba face a common problem: their dealings with business partners in China are perceived as a threat to national interests. In Mexico this concern emanates from manufacturers unable to compete with Chinese imports, and is evident in antagonistic news media and acts of hostility against Chinese businesses. In Cuba it stems from the state's stewardship over economic sovereignty, and is evident in efforts to assimilate Havana's Chinatown and its entrenched informal sector into a centralized scheme of commercial regulation. Interviews with policy makers, local officials and Chinese entrepreneurs indicate that the "rationalization" of Chinese ethnic allegiances for the greater public good is a critical step towards alleviating tensions. I conclude that both countries can leverage benefits from overseas Chinese communities, but to do so they must support their entrepreneurial activities, harness their networks to promote targeted imports and exports, and develop more culturally sensitive regulations.
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| 10 |
ID:
185618
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While most ethnic Chinese in northern Thailand are Thai citizens now, their everyday lives are a site where we can witness the political power entanglement of China, Taiwan and Thailand. With this in mind, this paper aims to look into the relationship between global China and overseas Chinese from the perspective of the ethnic Chinese in the northern borderlands of Thailand. The purpose is not just to disclose the multiplicity of global China in people's everyday lives, but also to complicate the picture of overseas Chinese as portrayed in top-down grand narratives about global China. I argue that the ongoing re-Sinicization in South-East Asia and the territorial geopolitics among China, Taiwan and Thailand have opened a conceptual space for the ethnic Chinese in northern Thailand to flexibly articulate themselves within the changing geopolitical economy. I use tea production and related Chinese-language education programmes, two separate but intertwined cases, to address these issues. By looking beyond the competition, conflict and dilemmas between China and Taiwan, I argue that Taiwan's previous engagement with agricultural transfer to Thailand and the rooting of pro-Taiwan identity and discourse in language education have paradoxically paved a way for China to stretch its influence into the everyday lives of the Chinese communities in the northern Thai borderlands.
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| 11 |
ID:
148170
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| Summary/Abstract |
[F]or the first time in modern history, a rising China is shaping the relationship, transforming the diaspora’s identity...”
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| 12 |
ID:
089888
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
'Singapore stories' are frequently tales of departure and arrival, but in the midst of this the nation-state has set out to construct a sense of permanence, and with that a future, such that the transits might become meaningful in the national narrative. Those who leave are supposed to be overseas Singaporeans; those who come, new Singaporeans. To this end, the country could do with an icon of mobility such as Zheng He, who evokes history, character and expansiveness. His legendary journeys stimulated imaginations and marked the apex of the navigational technology of his day. In mainstream historical accounts, he was a figure of peace, representing the mighty yet benevolent Middle Kingdom, and even a folk deity. The 600th anniversary of the launching of the first voyage in 1405 was celebrated throughout China and the Chinese diaspora. In Singapore, the Singapore Tourism Board and private agencies rode on the worldwide publicity generated by the 2002 book by Gavin Menzies - arguing that China discovered America before Columbus and circumnavigated the world before Magellan - to host a range of mega-events, including an international exhibition based on the book's claims. However, the celebrations were dampened by the efforts of Singapore-based Geoff Wade, a historian of Ming dynasty China, who has tirelessly disputed such claims. Other scholars and businessmen in Singapore have also entered the fray. From Raffles to Zheng He, Singapore's search for history serves only to emphasize its historical rootlessness.
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| 13 |
ID:
182700
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| Summary/Abstract |
While accepting that the migration–development nexus is best understood from a transnational perspective, recent studies analyse this nexus in a partial way rather than holistically. We review the literature, then attempt an enriched account of the complex and rapidly evolving relationship between diaspora and development in China – a country undergoing profound demographic, economic and social changes. Using in-depth interviews with a variety of key informants or stakeholders and a transnationally oriented framework, we analyse features across three core policy dimensions that incorporate both international and domestic dynamics: citizenship, top talent recruitment and soft power. Our findings contribute to the literature on Chinese-state-diaspora relations. They show that China's approach to its diaspora policy and development, practice and outcomes reaches with powerful new effects across national borders. The transnational–relational perspective gives an optimal paradigm for researchers and policymakers to understand changing strengths and complexities in interactions (contestation, conflict, negotiation, cooperation) between multi-scalar and multi-dimensional linkages, and to form diaspora policy and engagement programmes responsive to unprecedented global political, economic and social disruption.
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| 14 |
ID:
181414
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article deals with the prehistory of the start of the mass Chinese operation in Moscow during the Great Terror of 1937-1938. Agroup of Chinese arrested in 1937 was accused of participating in a Trotskyist terrorist organization, but after the start of national operations, their cases were considered within the framework of the NKVD's Harbin operation.
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