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| 1 |
ID:
166892
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| Summary/Abstract |
The primary aim of this article is methodological. It proposes circuitry as an analytical device – not a mere metaphor – as a way of connecting the everyday and the hyper-local to the national, international, transnational and all levels in between. Thus, the article is concerned with international relations’ perennial levels of analysis problem. The study is prompted by empirical research from the Everyday Peace Indicators project in which research subjects narrated their own (in)security in terms of the home and the immediate vicinity of the home. The home can be regarded as a key part of everyday and ontological security for many people, but how do we connect this to the international and transnational? The article draws on the literature on engineered and biological circuits in order to propose a novel analytical device with which to emphasise the connectivity between apparently unconnected levels. A life history is used to illustrate how the analytical device might be operationalised.
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| 2 |
ID:
165323
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay unpacks some of the nuances and complexities of peace and conflict studies. While it accepts that there are divisions between those who study conflict and those who study peace, it argues that there are also multiple sites of overlap and complementarity. Many of those who study topics labeled as “peace” are actually studying conflict, meaning that we have a complex “masala” of peaceandconflictstudies. Moreover, trends within social science research more broadly reflect the increasingly interdisciplinary nature of recent work.
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| 3 |
ID:
093664
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
x, 209p.
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| Series |
Routledge perspective on development
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| Standard Number |
9780415399371
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054720 | 338.9/GIN 054720 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
046392
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.
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| Description |
xiii, 296p.
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| Standard Number |
1403901384
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046484 | 327.172/DAR 046484 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
111575
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that referendums in societies coming out of war often fit into the conflict resolution rather than the conflict transformation paradigm. As conflict resolution devices, they may be one-off events rather than part of a longer term attempt to recalibrate relationships between antagonistic groups. Using a number of case studies, the article argues that unless the ground is prepared beforehand, referendums may have a limited ability to bring about reconciliation. Some well-timed referendums have advanced peace processes at critical moments, but these are exceptions and we should be cautious in recommending them as exemplars to other cases. The article highlights three common contextual issues that limit the conflict amelioration possibility of referendums: the exclusion of key constituencies from debates on the referendum process, a lack of voter education, and generalized insecurity.
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| 6 |
ID:
146653
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article looks at the promise of technology to revolutionise humanitarian action, especially in terms of the gathering and use of data. With many heralding a ‘data revolution’, the opportunities and enthusiasm for using social media and SMS data in crisis response are on the rise. The article constructs an analytical framework in order to scrutinise the three main claims made on behalf of technologically advanced humanitarian information systems: that they can access data more accurately, more quickly, and alter power relations in emancipatory ways. It does so in relation to two aspects of digital humanitarianism: visual technology and crisis mapping, and big data. The article is partly informed by a historical perspective, but also by interview and other material that suggests some of the claims made on behalf of technology are exaggerated. In particular, we argue that the enthusiasm for the data is vastly outstripped by the capacity to meaningfully analyse it. We conclude by scoping the implications of the future technological evolution of humanitarianism, in particular by examining how technology contributes to what Duffield terms ‘post-modern humanitarianism’.
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| 7 |
ID:
136103
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a conceptual scoping of the notion and practice of everyday peace, or the methods that individuals and groups use to navigate their way through life in deeply divided societies. It focuses on bottom-up peace and survival strategies. The article locates everyday peace in the wider study of peace and conflict, and constructs a typology of the different types of social practice that constitute everyday peace. While aware of the limitations of the concept and the practice, the article argues that everyday peace can be an important building block of peace formation, especially as formal approaches to peacebuilding and statebuilding are often deficient. An enhanced form of everyday peace (everyday diplomacy) has the potential to go beyond conflict-calming measures to encompass more positive actions linked with conflict transformation. The article can also be read as an exploration of ‘the local’ and ‘agency’ in deeply divided societies. It provides a counterweight to accounts of conflict-affected societies that concentrate on top-down actors, formal institutions and conflict resolution ‘professionals’. The apparent ‘banality’ of the everyday challenges us to think creatively about perspectives and methodologies that can capture it.
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| 8 |
ID:
153697
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Based on empirical evidence and conceptual scoping, this article builds a typology of everyday social practices in a deeply divided society. The typology distinguishes between moderating and non-moderating practices relating to boundaries. Based on a case study of contemporary Lebanon, it describes how boundary making and maintaining are the stuff of everyday life in deeply divided societies. But it also describes how the society under study also contains much evidence of fluidity and permeability in relation to boundaries. Many of these instances of boundary crossing do not threaten the meta politico-religious boundary, but they do compel us to re-evaluate views of deeply divided societies as comprised of homogenous and uncompromising blocs.
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| 9 |
ID:
143795
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This article reviews the recent academic and policy interest in hybridity and hybrid political orders in relation to peacebuilding. It is sceptical of the ability of international actors to manufacture with precision hybrid political orders, and argues that the shallow instrumentalization of hybridity is based on a misunderstanding of the concept. The article engages in conceptual-scoping in thinking through the emancipatory potential of hybridity. It differentiates between artificial and locally legitimate hybrid outcomes, and places the ‘hybrid turn' in the literature in the context of the continued evolution of the liberal peace as it struggles to come to terms with crises of access and legitimacy.
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| 10 |
ID:
122307
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on fieldwork interviews, this article examines the internationally sponsored good governance reforms in Georgia in the wake of the 2003 Rose Revolution. In one reading, the consolidation of power around the president can be seen as a failure of the good governance agenda. The article argues, however, that rather than using the success/failure binary to judge Georgia, it can be seen as a hybrid political order. Using an adapted four-part model of hybridization, the article examines the complex mix of international, local, and transnational dynamics that combine to produce hybrid governance.
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| 11 |
ID:
099567
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is interested in the interface between internationally supported peace operations and local approaches to peace that may draw on traditional, indigenous and customary practice. It argues that peace (and security, development and reconstruction) in societies emerging from violent conflict tends to be a hybrid between the external and the local. The article conceptualizes how this hybrid or composite peace is constructed and maintained. It proposes a four-part conceptual model to help visualize the interplay that leads to hybridized forms of peace. Hybrid peace is the result of the interplay of the following: the compliance powers of liberal peace agents, networks and structures; the incentivizing powers of liberal peace agents, networks and structures; the ability of local actors to resist, ignore or adapt liberal peace interventions; and the ability of local actors, networks and structures to present and maintain alternative forms of peacemaking.
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| 12 |
ID:
082690
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent years have witnessed a resurgence of interest in indigenous, traditional and customary approaches to peace-making in the context of civil wars. Supporters claim that indigenous approaches to peacemaking are participatory and relationship-focused, and that peaceful outcomes have a higher chance of community adherence than template-style international peace interventions effected through the `liberal peace'. Using historical and contemporary examples, this article assesses the feasibility of a complementary relationship between customary and Western forms of peace-making. It posits that internationally supported peace operations (the liberal peace) are promoting a standardization of peace interventions in civil war situations that often fails to deliver a widely enjoyed peace. In some cases, traditional and indigenous approaches to peace-making and reconciliation can offer a corrective to the failings of the Western peace-making model. Yet, any temptation to romanticize `indigenous' and `traditional' peace-making must be resisted: instead, the concepts require careful conceptualization and interrogation. The article concludes that the structural power of Western peace-making methods limits the space for alternative approaches to peace-making and that rather than a co-existence of both forms of peace-making we are more likely to see the co-option of indigenous and traditional approaches by Western approaches.
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| 13 |
ID:
133940
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article assesses the extent to which the liberal peace (the dominant form of internationally supported peacemaking) actually deserves the sobriquet 'liberal peace'. In recent years, an intense debate emerged on this question as critics of the critique of the liberal peace have sought to downplay the dominance of the liberal peace. These debates are interesting but they are mainly based on qualitative analysis supplemented with some case study material, and often rely on assertions rather than evidence. This article seeks to add to this debate with simple aggregate data from the Peace Accords Matrix that is comprehensive and comparative. The article constructs a five-part framework to analyse the liberal elements of peace accords liberalism and then tracks the extent to which the elements of the framework are found in peace accords. Through this examination, it is found that the liberal peace is indeed the dominant form of peace-support intervention, although there are considerable variations in the extent and implementation of the liberalism in peacebuilding.
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| 14 |
ID:
157984
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is the conclusion to a special issue that examines the European Union (EU), peacebuilding, and “the local.” It argues that technocracy—particularly EU technocracy—shapes the extent to which local actors can hope to achieve ownership of externally funded and directed peace support projects and programs. Although some actors within the EU have worked hard to push localization agendas, a number of technocracy linked factors come together to limit the extent to which the EU can truly connect with the local level in its peace support activities. While the EU and other international actors have invested heavily into capacity building in conflict-affected contexts, the EU’s own capacity has not necessarily been built to address the scalar problem of accessing the local in ways that are meaningful.
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| 15 |
ID:
123521
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article unpacks the renaissance of interest in 'the local' in peace building. It pays increased attention to local dimensions of peace in a wider context of increased assertiveness by local actors as well as a loss of confidence by major actors behind international peace-support actors. The article sees the 'local turn' in peace building as part of a wider critical turn in the study of peace and conflict, and focuses on the epistemological consequences of the recourse to localism in the conceptualisation and execution of peace building. The local turn has implications for the nature and location of power in peace building. This article is largely conceptual and theoretical in nature but it is worth noting that the local turn is based on reactions to real-world events.
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| 16 |
ID:
096860
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on fieldwork and using two case studies from contemporary Lebanon, this article critically appraises indigenous responses to under-development and post-war reconstruction. Indigenous initiatives and methods have become popular among international organisations and international non-governmental organisations in development and reconstruction activities. There is a danger, however, in over-romanticising these approaches. While they hold advantages, they also hold potential risks, especially in the context of a deeply divided society. The article draws on the Waad initiative in Beirut's southern suburbs and the activities of the Future Movement in Tripoli to assess the usefulness of indigenous responses to reconstruction. After outlining the cases, four issues are discussed: the politicisation of indigenous assistance in deeply divided societies; the extent to which indigenous approaches to reconstruction can be participatory; the extent to which internationally-supported indigenous assistance can be usefully labelled as 'indigenous'; and the ability of non-state social actors to reinforce or undermine the state. Although drawing on Lebanese examples, it is hoped that the issues raised have relevance to other cases (especially in deeply divided societies) and connect with policy debates on the desirability of indigenous responses to reconstruction and development challenges.
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| 17 |
ID:
157607
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This article explores how analysis of material objects offers insights into international intervention and reactions to that intervention. Building on studies that examine the 4x4 as emblematic of intervention, the article argues that the 4x4 can also be seen as an object of resistance and agency. To do so, it uses the case study of 4x4 usage in Darfur and draws on primary data including interviews and a UN security incident database. The article is mindful of the limitations of a ‘material turn’ in the study of International Relations, especially in relation to how it might encourage us to overlook agency and structural power. While finding new materialism arguments largely convincing, the case study encourages a note of caution and proposes the notion of ‘materialism+’, which allows for the further investigation of the human/non-human interface, but is circumspect about tendencies towards neophilia, dematerialism, and posthumanism.
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| 18 |
ID:
098468
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many societies emerging from civil war can be described as experiencing 'no war, no peace' situations. Despite a ceasefire or peace accord, these societies may continue to be mired in insecurity, chronic poverty and the persistence of the factors that sparked and sustained the civil war. Yet the post-Cold War period has also witnessed massive peace-support interventions aimed at shoring up peace accords and post-peace accord states. This article identifies and conceptualises the 'liberal peace' as the formulaic western peacebuilding vehicle wheeled out in response to civil war and peace processes. It argues that the liberal peace is often inflexible, ethnocentric, ministers to conflict manifestations rather than causes, and is unable to address the underlying factors contributing to armed conflict in deeply divided societies. It is the structural factors behind the liberal peace that explain why so many peace processes fail to deliver peace.
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| 19 |
ID:
152735
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| Summary/Abstract |
This collection of articles contributes to the growing body of research on how technology is affecting peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, and research methodologies in the field. Assumptions about the use of technology for peace are interrogated, such as the purported deepening of inclusivity and widening of participation that technology provides to peacebuilders and communities. It frames the discussion from a peace-focused perspective, providing a response to the work done by others who have focused on the ways technology makes violence more likely. This supports a holistic discussion of the ways that technology can have an impact on contentious social and political processes. By expanding the base of knowledge about how technology can be used for peace and violence, we hope this collection increases the understanding of the circumstances under which technology amplifies peace.
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| 20 |
ID:
155684
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| Summary/Abstract |
Consider the following scenario: a violent incident occurs in rural Darfur. Four men are killed, and three are injured, when a settlement is attacked by unknown assailants. One woman and a child are reported missing. Three huts are burned and livestock is taken away. An African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) patrol 15 kilometres away is alerted to the incident but it cannot travel to the scene for 48 hours because the Government of Sudan police say the area is too dangerous. The UN's movement control officer agrees with this assessment. The UN patrol leader reports the incident back to his commander and thus the incident, once logged, becomes official.
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