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| 1 |
ID:
082673
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Islamic caliphate is a key competitor in the global ideological marketplace. Indeed, it has been called 'one possible configuration for a post-industrial politics' (Philip W. Sutton and Stephen Vertigans, 'Islamic "New Social Movements"?: Radical Islam, Al-Qa'ida and Social Movement Theory', Mobilization 11, no. 1(2006): 105). What is its nature? The answer illustrates the argument that the relationship between the informal conception of collective identity and its non-agentive interest in formal establishment is the ontological basis of international relations. This points the way toward resolution of the agent-structure problem with reference to evolutionary theory. Distinguishing between action and behaviour on the basis of subjecthood is useful, showing that actors' primary interest is self-identification through affirmation of an institutional ideal-state. Such ideational objects do not act, but those through which agents successfully constitute and affirm themselves are more likely to prosper strategically. The caliphate is one such. Thus, conceptions of collective identity behave, compete and evolve.
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| 2 |
ID:
082676
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2008.
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China's status-quo-oriented post-Cold-War grand strategy of promoting cooperative security and multipolarity on the basis of the UN system is not applied in Northeast Asia. China's definition of its interests in Northeast Asia runs up against those promoted by the US alliance system, and no common political framework exists to encourage Beijing and Washington to adopt definitions that correspond to global rules of proper state conduct. Scholars and policymakers often base their analyses of Northeast Asian strategic uncertainty on the assumption that China applies its grand strategy in Northeast Asia as elsewhere, but that the regional context makes successful implementation difficult. This article instead argues that China has persuaded the international community that Northeast Asia is a region where special rules apply, justifying that Chinese policies towards Taiwan, Japan and the Korean peninsula are exempt from the principles of state conduct underpinning China's global grand strategy.
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| 3 |
ID:
082672
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Unresolved claims to self-determination are among the biggest challenges in global politics today. A large number of groups in all parts of the world, from indigenous peoples to religious, linguistic and ethnic minorities, seek independence or greater participation in the determination of their futures. However, several problems associated with the conceptualization of self-determination are limiting opportunities for the peaceful resolution of such claims. The international community lacks a coherent legal framework for extending the right of self-determination to all peoples, particularly to groups outside the decolonization context. More seriously, the issue of self-determination remains linked to a deeply entrenched concept of state sovereignty which revolves around an artificial link between nations, states and territorial integrity. Given that the boundaries of identity and community are fluid and constantly shifting, this territorial model of sovereignty more often precipitates rather than accommodates claims to self-determination. We thus argue for the need to deterritorialize self-determination, which would place greater emphasis on human rights and democratic participation. It would also open up more possibilities to deal with self-determination claims in the context of alternative political arrangements, such as autonomy, federalism, multiculturalism or overlapping sovereignties
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| 4 |
ID:
082675
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the tension between the role of religious language as a domestic legitimising device for the Bush administration and its adverse impact on Washington's foreign policy image. It argues that President Bush's political fundamentalism after 9/11 has become a major obstacle to effectively addressing the challenge of international terrorism. It examines the interface between religion and the traditional idea of US exceptionalism, considers the political rise of the Christian right in American politics since the 1970s, shows how 9/11 served as a transformative event in the emergence of political fundamentalism in the White House and explores the impact of the construction of President Bush's 'war on terror' policies on the domestic and international environments. The conclusion acknowledges a substantial gulf between the domestic and international responses to President Bush's brand of political fundamentalism, but concedes that these differences have been narrowing over time.
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| 5 |
ID:
082674
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that the Aarhus Convention on Access to Environmental Information, Public Participations in Decision Making and Access to Environmental Justice is an international environmental convention whose rationale can be partially explained by its potential to reduce the incidence of social conflict caused by environmental change or changes to the environmental caused by industrial and/or scientific and technological development. This particular rationale of the convention is explained with reference to contemporary social conflict induced by environmental politics in the Republic of Ireland.
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| 6 |
ID:
082677
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the world moves into a particularly fluid phase of global politics, interdisciplinary engagement between international law and international relations is becoming a critical task. Reformulating how we theorise the 'global' will be central to the development of institutions, laws, policies, and norms that govern how we manage conflict, deal with environmental challenges, smooth out the highly uneven political economy, and allow new political communities to develop beyond the nation-state. The role of international law and international relations scholarship will be central to this endeavour. Practitioners and policymakers have a particular responsibility to help develop and shape new global systems and institutions. Teachers have a responsibility to current and future generations of young scholars to equip them with the requisite intellectual tools for making choices in the policy arena that frequently straddle the various levels of international law and international relations. This article explores how we can begin to improve that process.
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