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| 1 |
ID:
145400
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although some analysts have emphasized the importance of China's becoming a “responsible stakeholder” in the international order, the United States has in effect blocked China's full participation in a range of existing international institutions and attempted to undermine China's efforts to create and lead new international institutions. In this article I examine those US efforts, particularly with regard to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, where the United States attempted to block other states from becoming members. I explore the difference between multifaceted and aggression-limiting containment and propose that the United States apply the latter to help stabilize Sino-US relations.
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| 2 |
ID:
152322
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2011, the Australian Defence Force Academy became embroiled in a sex scandal when a cadet made public, claims of abuse. Her claims led to a number of inquiries, which unveiled many other historical abuse claims. As such, this case revealed some of the potential problems associated with the containment of such disputes. To explore this further, a brief review of workplace changes (1930–present) was conducted, which highlighted the development of current containment measures. This was followed by a two-pronged case analysis of the 2011 Australian Defence Force Academy Skype sex scandal. Boltanski’s process theory was used in conjunction with Bourdieu’s field theory to study the containment of the case. Combined, these analyses revealed that, while a focus on the central players and their relations as psychologized/personal is a main strategy for containment, this approach can deflect attention from other factors that play important roles, resulting in more significant, far-reaching problems.
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| 3 |
ID:
181628
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The Indian Ocean has established itself at the spotlight of global geopolitics as regional and extra-regional states have set their gaze upon the region for power projection. China and India are locked in a strategic competition for dominance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). India is the only state in the geographic space with the potential to challenge China. To achieve its interests, China has crafted a containment strategy against India in the region. China’s intentions go beyond acting as a mere counterweight to India, but its strategy is not without consequence. India has also been crafting its own containment strategy against China to limit the latter’s increasing assertive maneuvers in the Indian Ocean. This paper argues that Sino-Indian competition goes beyond balancing one another in the IOR. India and China both aim to dominate the region at the expense of each other’s influence through the concept and strategy of containment.
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| 4 |
ID:
192233
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| Summary/Abstract |
I challenge the dominant Western discourse on China’s rise. This discourse tends to reflect political construction rather than thoughtful scholarship. It is poorly informed by historical evidence and usually evades comparison of China’s conduct with that of other countries, such as the United States, now or in the past. It is also characterized by strong tendencies of groupthink and revisionist scholarship to adjust to prevailing official policies and popular sentiments instead of scrutinizing their validity. This discourse is not only wrong but also dangerous.
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| 5 |
ID:
148334
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN RECENT YEARS, we have been watching a grandiose performance in the theater of the absurd, directed by the United States and its closest allies, that can be called Aggressive Russia Threatens the Peaceful and Respectable West. On July 8-9, 2016, the international public could watch another act of the farce, this time played in Warsaw at the NATO summit. Those present at the Polish gathering of the Atlanticists did not strain their intellectual abilities - they merely accused Russia of all conceivable and inconceivable sins and the gloomy state of international relations navigating probably the most hazardous period of its history since the Caribbean Crisis of 1962. While that crisis was more or less promptly resolved through a compromise achieved between the Soviet Union and the United States, today there is no light at the end of the tunnel of confrontation and it will hardly appear any time soon.
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| 6 |
ID:
158238
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past four months, China has been swept by the ‘Xi wave’, stimulating a tide of concerns for its neighbours and ardent observers. Xi’s 203-minute speech at the 19th Congress of the CCP, followed subsequently by the CCP’s announcement of dropping the term limits for president (in February 2018) clearly herald the dawn of a “new era” of politics and power for a more assertive China, under the leadership of President Xi.
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| 7 |
ID:
140325
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| Summary/Abstract |
The civil war in Syria has caused the deaths of more than 230,000 civilians and combatants, has led to one of the largest refugee crises in recent memory, and has destabilized the Levant. It therefore represents an extraordinarily challenging foreign policy conundrum. A wide variety of responses—ranging from the imposition of no-fly zones to doing nothing—have been considered in Ottawa and in allied capitals since 2011. Each one, however, raises potentially significant challenges.
This article explores how Canada has considered those alternatives. As is systematically the case for a non-great power, Canada’s policy options were shaped more by deliberations in allied capitals—especially Washington—and only thereafter by actual developments in Syria. After laying out Canada’s interests relative to the war in Syria, the article describes four policy alternatives that Canada has faced since 2011, as seen through the lenses of liberal pacifism, liberal interventionism, isolationism, and containment. Among this menu of deeply flawed options, containment has steadily emerged as Canada’s de facto approach. That approach has been correct: it is the least bad course of action available since it best allows Ottawa to protect and promote its interests. Nevertheless, Canada could take additional steps to implement a more comprehensive containment framework.
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| 8 |
ID:
172105
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Next to military means, causing disruption and interdiction, Western and local powers also relied on policies of containment to halt the expansion of the Islamic State’s territorial strongholds. Yet, a Cold War state-based strategy of containment seems not apt to counter a transformed Islamic State. This article, first, examines why containing the Islamic State was successful in the past. Second, the article argues that the Islamic State can still be contained if containment addresses the Islamic State’s hybrid nature rather than convulsively looking for the transferability of past containment aspects. In particular, this requires a focus on the struggle for power of the opponent and a foreign policy of restraint. Finally, the article proposes three angles to contain the Islamic State. Each angle exploits the persisting characteristics of the Islamic State as a revolutionary actor with internal contradictions and promulgating specific narratives which containment can engage.
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| 9 |
ID:
184074
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This article develops a framework to think sociologically about the containment of activism in contexts of state racism. It argues that normal everyday practices of the police and judicial system have mechanisms which contain challenges to their authority. It shows how state racism is embedded within the criminalisation of black people and enacted through policing. The analysis focuses on Scotland’s first black death in police custody and the campaign formed by his family to establish the circumstances of the death. Sheku Bayoh died shortly after being arrested and restrained by up to nine police officers in Kirkcaldy, a small town on the east coast of Scotland, in May 2015. I pay attention to the role played by racism in the media’s framing of Sheku’s death, common in explaining deaths of black people at the hands of the police.
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| 10 |
ID:
186200
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Intensifying strategic competition with China has introduced the need for the United States to consider extensive and stringent economic restrictions against the rising power. This article suggests that US economic containment of China is unlikely to materialise due to the presence of the EU states that are not militarily threatened by the geographically separated China and in a position to prioritise economic benefits in exchanges with that state. It first identifies the role of the EU in China’s foreign economic exchanges and addresses the ability of the EU states to replace the economic function of the United States in China. Then, it discusses how geographical conditions surrounding China make the rising state largely an East Asian threat. It suggests that, devoid of any direct military threat from China, the EU states can undermine the effectiveness of substantial US economic containment measures against China by functioning as alternative economic partners or facilitating China’s construction of alternative economic routes. Finally, this paper discusses the limitations in US ability to constrain the EU states’ economic exchanges with China. While concerns grow over Washington’s economic assertiveness against Beijing, the feasibility of a US-led upheaval in economic relations involving China should be carefully gauged.
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| 11 |
ID:
083039
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This conclusion looks at the debate about the utility of force. It brings together the conclusions of the contributions in this special volume, linking them together with the positions in the debate and outlining further avenues for research.
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| 12 |
ID:
179990
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this introduction, we situate the special section, ‘Containing Religious Offence beyond the Courts’, within and beyond existing scholarship on religious offence in South Asia. Much of this scholarship focuses on the unintended effects of blasphemy laws, showing, for instance, that laws presumably intended to promote religious tolerance end up informing, if not encouraging, disputes around religious sensitivities. But while debates about the effects of law are crucial, we suggest that a more nuanced understanding of religious offence can be gained if we look past full-blown legal proceedings and the spectacular violence performed in the streets during religious offence controversies. This collection, then, directs attention to the friction around religious sensitivities that are handled and often mitigated locally—either entirely outside the courts or through bottom-up initiatives that unfold in combination with, or as a reaction to, top-down measures. Drawing on the extensive empirical field research of six scholars of religion and politics, these essays document existing containment modalities in diverse geographical and socio-religious settings in India and critically scrutinise their functioning and outcomes. They explicitly engage with critical understandings of peace and with scholarship on the micro-mechanism of coexistence and, in so doing, open up new avenues of enquiry about religious offence.
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| 13 |
ID:
142530
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the apocalyptic zeitgeist of the Islamic State through the lens of what we call the New Tribalism. It finds that IS emerged from the Al Qaeda (AQ) milieu, but soon split with AQ as the messianic excitement surrounding Al-Baghdadi and his teachings grew. In common with previous millennial/messianic movements in all three “Peoples of the Book”—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—IS soon evolved beyond the laws of the normative faith (antinomianism). We hold that for this reason, despite its claims of faith and fealty, IS has left the Islamic Umah behind, becoming a malign sectarian group of its own whose dynamism and successes are attracting a global audience and support from Muslims in almost every country. This helps to explain such abhorrent practices as forced conversion, sexual servitude, the destruction of historic artifacts, and mass executions. We find that the American invasion of Iraq was the vital first step in a series of events, which gave birth to IS. A thorough review of IS history and political culture traces these historic moments in time.
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| 14 |
ID:
188683
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| Summary/Abstract |
Vietnam's efforts to contain the Covid-19 pandemic have been widely praised. The country's leadership took early action to close its borders and reduce community transmission and kept case numbers low, at least in the first year. Between 23 January 2020, when the first cases were detected in Vietnam, and 25 March 2021, the end of the third wave of infection, the country experienced just 2,830 cases and 35 deaths. However, the fourth wave, from 27 April 2021 to 30 March 2022 (when the Vietnamese government declared a formal end to the pandemic), saw over ten million confirmed cases, and 42,454 recorded fatalities. This article examines why the first three waves were successfully contained and the fourth wave of COVID was so much more damaging.
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| 15 |
ID:
113944
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For the last four decades Sino-Japanese relations have been characterized by steadily growing economic and sociocultural interactions. Yet, greater interdependence has developed in tandem with bilateral tensions. Many analysts have attempted to explain the latter as a result of Japan trying to balance or contain the burgeoning growth of Chinese capabilities. In this article, we question and qualify this widespread understanding of Japan's response to China's rise by examining how Japan has handled China's rise between 1978 and 2011. More precisely, how has Japan dealt with China's long-term core strategic interests, which are embodied in the post-1978 Chinese "grand strategy" that is believed to have been instrumental to China's rise? Our main finding is that to a significant degree Japan has accommodated the rise of China rather than balanced against it.
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| 16 |
ID:
148913
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| Summary/Abstract |
The British experience in Northern Ireland, particularly the fight against the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), is an oft-cited case study in the counter-insurgency (COIN) spectrum and tome of counter-terrorism studies. It is the totality of the British intelligence experience in Northern Ireland, with its successes and challenges, which make it such a valuable case study from which to draw insight to shape contemporary COIN intelligence-based operations. As the conflict was both prolonged and intensified, a multitude of intelligence units from military and law enforcement evolved specifically to counter the effectiveness of PIRA; and to satisfy the desire of the security establishment to intensify information-gathering activities. This article examines the evolution and development of this security intelligence-driven effort that ultimately had the cumulative effect to wear down PIRA’s military capability through the focused application of a prolonged and lavishly resourced linked intelligence apparatus as an adjunct of a heavy military and police footprint. Nevertheless, despite Northern Ireland being a relatively small geographical area, the eventual containment of PIRA took years to achieve, demonstrating just how difficult it is to address a committed and determined insurgency. This highlights that a successful COIN strategy is arguably best predicated on the need for “patient” as opposed to “decisive” operations.
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| 17 |
ID:
185055
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| Summary/Abstract |
The "color revolution" as a low-cost, high-return way to replace a government has become the main means of the US to overthrow unwanted regimes. In recent years, as the US has intensified its efforts to contain Russia and China, it has tried to plan color revolutions near and within our countries. Color revolutions not only undermine the balance of the international system and regional security, but also seriously affect the stability of national power and economic development. In this regard, Russia and China need to work together to prevent color revolutions. In response to changes in their methods - from nonviolent to violent, the emergence of better organizational methods, the lowering of the age of participants - China and Russia should strengthen political, economic, cultural, ideological, educational, and regional cooperation, and strengthen the exchange of
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| 18 |
ID:
151589
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| Summary/Abstract |
TODAY, some of the key trends in the Middle Eastern subsystem of international relations are shaped and are unfolding under pressure of extraregional powers and the foreign policy they realize in the region. The United States is one of these powers; this means that a better understanding of the causes and essense of certain processes going on in the region calls for a closer study of Washington's politics and the instruments it uses to achieve its foreign policy aims.
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| 19 |
ID:
124604
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2013.
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This article purports to examine the role of the United States in the outbreak of the Arab Spring and the course of its subsequent paths. The main argument of this article is that the Arab Spring represented a major strategic surprise to the United States. It did not plan or facilitate the Arab Spring as the Tunisian, Egyptian, Yemeni and Bahraini regimes were performing to the best satisfaction of American interests in the Arab world. As the Arab Spring carried with it threats to American regional interests, the United States moved to secure its interests by steering Arab uprisings towards courses of action which best suit these interests.
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