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| 1 |
ID:
110994
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Ma Ying-jeou faces a difficult task balancing Beijing's expectations for political negotiations with the Taiwanese electorate's vote for the status quo.
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| 2 |
ID:
086457
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses the strategic theory of Carl von Clausewitz to analyze how the 2008 elections in Taiwan and the United States may influence cross-Strait relations. The elections will affect governments, citizens, and armed forces, and thus the value Taiwan and the United States attach to preserving the island's de facto independence from the mainland. Surveying likely interactions across the Taiwan Strait, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the China-Taiwan-U.S. strategic triangle includes one power, China, whose Clausewitzian "trinity" remains uniformly locked on eventual unification with Taiwan and whose patience is finite; a second, Taiwan, whose government and people are ambivalent and whose military preparations are lagging; and a third, the United States, whose government and people have priorities that do not include a clash with China, whose military is shrinking, and whose officer corps wants to avoid fighting in the Strait. This mismatch in political commitments and capabilities suggests that, far from bringing about an enduring rapprochement, the elections have done little to dispel potential conflict in East Asia.
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| 3 |
ID:
103100
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| 4 |
ID:
161509
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2016 Taiwanese elections which saw a sweeping victory of Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP have revived the question of cross-Strait instability. While observers have generally focus on whether or not the Tsai administration could cross Beijing’s red lines, few have taken into consideration the dynamic nature of these red lines, and how Ma’s presidency had impacted them. This article fills this gap by drawing on prospect theory hypotheses to assess the shift of Beijing’s preferences in the Taiwan Strait. It explains that Ma’s accommodative policy have left a paradoxical legacy as China is likely to be today more risk-acceptant on a comparatively wider range of cross-Strait outcomes, making cross-Strait relations more crisis-prone than they have ever been.
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| 5 |
ID:
154230
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| Summary/Abstract |
Employing the spiral model, this research analyses how anti-human trafficking legislation was promulgated during the Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu) presidency. This research found that the government of Taiwan was just as accountable for the violation of migrants’ human rights as the exploitive placement agencies and abusive employers. This research argues that, given its reliance on the United States for political and security support, Taiwan has made great efforts to improve its human rights records and meet US standards for protecting human rights. The reform was a result of multilevel inputs, including US pressure and collaboration between transnational and domestic advocacy groups. A major contribution of this research is to challenge the belief that human rights protection is intrinsic to democracy. In the same light, this research also cautions against Tai-wan’s subscription to US norms since the reform was achieved at the cost of stereotyping trafficking victimhood, legitimising state surveillance, and further marginalising sex workers.
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| 6 |
ID:
114784
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the rhetoric of Taiwan's president Ma Ying-jeou on cross-Strait relations during his first term. The authors argue that his rhetoric varied considerably and put forward a framework for measuring, analyzing and explaining this variation. Analyzing speeches, addresses, etc., they provide empirical assessments of how the content of Ma's public pronouncements has developed over time, how his rhetoric varies according to the strategic context and timing of a speech, and how his discourse compares to that of his predecessor, Chen Shui-bian. In addressing these questions, the article contributes a quantitative perspective to existing work on political discourse in Taiwan.
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| 7 |
ID:
100649
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| 8 |
ID:
091836
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two extraordinary events have taken place in the recent period, symbolising the fast growing in relations between Beijing and Taipei- Taiwan's participation (Geneva, 18-27 May 2009) as an observer under the name Chinese Taipei in the World Health Assembly, the executive arm of the World Health Organization (WHO), with firm blessings from Beijing and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) chief Hu Jintao's congratulatory telegram (27 July 2009) to the newly elected head of Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang (KMT) Ma Ying-Jeou.
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| 9 |
ID:
100974
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| 10 |
ID:
137784
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Why does Ma Ying-jeou pursue a China-tilting policy when US–PRC relations become more competitive after 2010? Indeed, the president's mainland policy has gone far beyond the strategic requirements to satisfy international pressures for a stable cross-strait relationship. According to neoclassical realism, domestic politics acts as ‘intervening variables’ through which systemic imperatives are translated into a state's foreign policy response. Based, in part, on this author's interviews in Taiwan, this paper contends that due to Taiwan's internal political divisions on the ‘one China’ issue, elected leaders strive for their own nation-building projects, which, in turn, generate policies that undermine Taiwan's national security. Since 2008, the KMT tries to reshape Taiwan's identity through the rehabilitation of the ROC as the legitimate ‘one China’. Though Ma's rapprochement with Beijing on the basis of the ‘1992 consensus’ has contributed to cross-strait stability, his embrace of a China-centric national identity has also placed the administration increasingly at odds with Taiwan's public which gave the KMT a resounding electoral defeat in Taiwan's local elections of November 2014. As Taipei becomes more aligned to the PRC, its security ties with America and Japan could be compromised.
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| 11 |
ID:
156606
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Accepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.
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| 12 |
ID:
119216
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Republic of China presidents Chen Shuibian and Ma Yingjiu have espoused substantially varied positions at different times on cross-Strait relations. Given the prominence of the presidents' rhetoric in an otherwise relatively stable relationship, these discursive fluctuations have been a cause of consternation and curiosity for observers of the cross-Strait relationship. However, their behaviour is consistent with democratic politics in general (issues and policy stances evolve and emerge, and political actors must engage and appeal to a wide range of stakeholders with varied agendas) and in terms of the growing influence of distinct sectors (such as big business) within Taiwan. This article puts forward a method for analysing this variation across three presidential terms, namely Chen's first and second term and Ma's first term. How does the content of both presidents' public pronouncements develop over time? How does the content of their discourse vary according to the strategic context of the constituency they are addressing? What does this reveal about the strategy and strategic relationships behind presidential rhetoric in Taiwan? In addressing these questions, the article contributes a quantitative perspective to existing work on political discourse in Taiwan and to the growing methodological and applied literature on how to systematically analyse Chinese political text.
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| 13 |
ID:
086682
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The opposition Kuomintang (KMT) won overwhelming victories in the Legislative Yuan and presidential elections, leaving the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) demoralized and in disarray. Former President Chen Shui-bian was indicted on corruption charges and jailed pending trial. New President Ma Yingjeou moved quickly to improve relations across the Taiwan Strait, and the long-delayed Three Links (direct air, shipping, and postal service) began in December. Taiwan's economy fared badly along with much of the rest of the world.
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| 14 |
ID:
094476
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| 15 |
ID:
100654
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| 16 |
ID:
083256
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Outgoing Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was defeated in the historic 2008 presidential and legislative elections, and voters returned the reins of government to the long-ruling Nationalist Party (KMT). The author analyzes the KMT's return to power after eight years of DPP rule, its significance, and its potential to create new stability in East Asia and better cooperation between the United States and Taiwan. The author also examines the reasons for the DPP's resounding defeat, including its traditional oppositional role in Taiwanese politics and its failure to deliver on its promises to reduce corruption and maintain economic well-being. The author further analyzes the DPP policies' disastrous impact on Taiwan's domestic scene and its regional alliances. The author concludes with a prediction of what the KMT's return will mean for U.S.-China-Taiwanese relations.
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| 17 |
ID:
101931
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While much is to be celebrated since Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's inauguration in 2008, cross-Strait relations are not without challenges. One such crucial test is Ma's call for Chinese leaders to stop isolating Taipei in the world community and give Taiwan adequate 'international space'. Because the issue strikes at the heart of the fundamental differences between Taipei's and Beijing's positions regarding the island's sovereignty, it needs to be handled carefully by both governments for better cross-Strait relations. This study analyzes the approaches adopted by both Beijing and Taipei regarding Taiwan's status in the international community. Utilizing discussion with Chinese scholars and government officials and the analysis of several waves of survey data conducted in Taiwan, it argues that Beijing's flexibility in its application of the 'one China' principle and the Ma administration's practicality in making its requests are critical to the realization of Taipei's demand for international space and hence cross-Strait stability.
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| 18 |
ID:
101933
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since Ma Ying-jeou assumed the presidency, Taiwan's relations with Mainland China have been profoundly transformed. This article uses the perspective of a grand strategy to interpret and explain Taiwan's new approach to cross-Strait relations. It suggests that Ma's government has adopted a grand strategy of accommodation that uses assurances, confidence building, and economic integration to enhance Taiwan's security. This new grand strategy has both ideational and materialist roots. The article also assesses the preliminary results of Taiwan's new security approach and its future sustainability.
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