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| 1 |
ID:
110876
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Reacting to Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait, two European states, the United Kingdom and France, contributed large forces and participated in land, air, and sea operations. The contributions of these states varied considerably in their composition and role. The United Kingdom deployed as many forces (45,000 personnel) as the country could manage, while France sent a significant force (15,000) that fell short of its potential. Once in Arabia, the British played a major role in coalition planning, while the French remained operationally aloof. Finally, when it came to launch offensive operations, British forces were central to the coalition's riskiest endeavors, such as special forces raids and preparing a fake amphibious invasion, while French forces played a credible, but less dangerous role. This article tests the ability of realism and historic institutionalism to explain these different responses to the 1990-91 Gulf Crisis. Although realism appears a priori to possess a high degree of explanatory power, a detailed process tracing analysis reveals that historical institutionalism can better account for the different outcomes observed.
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| 2 |
ID:
083489
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last 40 years ASEAN has developed a set of goals and norms with regard to the conduct of regional and international relations that provide an alternative paradigm to the dominant contemporary Western liberal approach to 'global' governance. ASEAN's alternative paradigm is rooted in Asia's cultures and the region's colonial and Cold War experiences. Using an historical institutionalist approach, the analysis details the paradigm's central features - the importance of neutrality; sovereignty and territorial integrity; the peaceful settlement of disputes; informal, non-confrontational negotiations; and the promotion of domestic stability and social harmony - which together underscore the importance of state autonomy and non-interference in the affairs of other states. The paradigm's influence in global affairs has increased markedly in recent years, most notably as the ASEAN-China linkage has matured and China has given its strong support to ASEAN's approach to the conduct of international relations. This turn of events suggests that the ASEAN paradigm presents a significant challenge to Western hopes for a common approach to 'global' governance.
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| 3 |
ID:
092002
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the formation and evolution of regional institutionas in the Asia-Pacific and East Asia. Employing a historical institutionalist framework, this article institutions were created at critical junctures, precipitated by extra-region-al developments that called the legitimacy of existing institutional mechanisms into serious question. Preexisting institutions greatly shaped the institutional design of the subsequesnt regional isntitutions, revealing a path-dependent nature of institutional evolution.The timing and sequence of regional institution building is an important factor for explaining institutional change.
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| 4 |
ID:
158044
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| Summary/Abstract |
While embracing trade policies that foster trade liberalization, Taiwan has clear protectionist policies covering its agricultural trade, which combine border measures with domestic support, and are closely modeled on the policies created by the European Union. The idea of multifunctionality of agriculture — and its link to trade policy — has created a normative framework whereby the agricultural markets have to be shielded in order for them to provide non-commodity attributes or public goods. This paper aims to explore the causal power of ideas (liberalization and multifunctionality) in the definition of Taiwan’s agricultural trade policy, by analyzing them from the perspective of historical institutionalism, and taking Taiwan as a case study. It is the institutionalization of the idea of multifunctionality that gives it an explanatory power toward understanding the ideational source of protectionism in agricultural trade.
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| 5 |
ID:
191904
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International organizations come in many shapes and sizes. Within this institutional gamut, the multipurpose multilateral intergovernmental organization (MMIGO) plays a central role. This institutional form is often traced to the creation of the League of Nations, but in fact the first MMIGO emerged in the Western Hemisphere at the close of the nineteenth century. Originally modeled on a single-issue European public international union, the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics evolved into the multipurpose, multilateral Pan American Union (PAU). Contrary to prominent explanations of institutional genesis, the PAU's design did not result from functional needs nor from the blueprints of a hegemonic power. Advancing a recent synthesis between historical and rational institutionalism, we argue that the first MMIGO arose through a process of compensatory layering: a mechanism whereby a sequence of bargains over control and scope leads to gradual but transformative institutional change. We expect compensatory layering to occur when an organization is focal, power asymmetries among members of that organization are large, and preferences over institutional design diverge. Our empirical and theoretical contributions demonstrate the value a more global international relations (IR) perspective can bring to the study of institutional design. international relations (IR) scholars have long noted that international organizations provide smaller states with voice opportunities; our account suggests those spaces may be of smaller states’ own making.
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| 6 |
ID:
173441
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The aims and outcomes of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela are fiercely contested. A sympathetic view sees the possibility of Left revolutionary transformation as destabilised by aggressive US and domestic opposition actions. Detractors trace an authoritarian path from President Hugo Chávez’s election in 1998 to an inevitable socialist implosion under his successor Nicolás Maduro two decades later. This article emphasises continuities between the Bolivarian Fifth Republic and the Fourth Republic that the Revolution displaced. These account for the limitations of the transformative process. Historical institutionalism explains the reproduction of rentier practices and centralised state management and political organisation, culminating in cascading crisis across regime types.
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| 7 |
ID:
180068
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has responded to the Covid-19 crisis in a path-dependent way. The latter is shaped by a time-tested repository of cooperation norms, which give precedence to national sovereignty. Hence, belated, ad hoc and largely declaratory collective responses to the Covid-19 crisis are business as usual and are unlikely to have disruptive effects on ASEAN’s operations. Yet member countries’ emergency measures are intensifying ongoing processes of democratic backsliding and will have negative repercussions on the grouping’s inclusiveness. They will impair advancements towards a people-oriented ASEAN. Regional cohesion will be further jeopardised by relations with China, which have intensified due to Chinese “mask diplomacy”, but are also increasingly influenced by China’s encroachments on ASEAN member states’ claims in the contested South China Sea.
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| 8 |
ID:
114214
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Participating in EU crisis management operations has affected institutional actors on various levels. As the main deliverers of civilian and military resources to EU operations, national ministries and agencies have been particularly confronted with the need for administrative adaptation. A big member state like Germany is expected to make substantial contributions, but it also faces a rigid administration. This article uses a combined hypothesis of historical institutionalism and organisational learning to explain administrative Europeanisation in German government institutions involved in civilian and military crisis management deployments. The empirical data on the German administrative trajectories under Schröder and Merkel show an explanatory link between political learning and overcoming institutional path dependency.
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| 9 |
ID:
168802
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This article puts forward a historical institutionalist explanation of how rising powers translate increased wealth into military strength. It develops microfoundations for path dependence and applies them empirically as an approach to defense procurement. The Indian government layered market reforms onto a state-run defense sector. It aimed to exploit competition in its massive acquisition of combat fighter aircraft after 2007. Yet, despite formal rule changes and overwhelming material benefits, government reformers ultimately failed and returned to an intergovernmental purchase in 2015. I develop two mechanisms to explain this instance of failed institutional change in India. First, the reform's structural misfit created uncertainty, as some of the prerequisites for a market such as sound legal protection and private actors were absent. Second, the government reformers were reluctantly supported at the outset by a coalition of so-called opportunists, which neither fully embraced nor strongly opposed institutional reforms. When problems resulting from the misfit multiplied and promised benefits vanished, however, this coalition dissolved and layering failed. A process-tracing analysis and the triangulation of a diverse set of data substantiate this explanation. The article contributes to debates on institutional change as well as to those on rising powers and the constraints they face in their attempts to transform growing wealth into military strength. Most significantly, it specifies a causal pathway along which state institutions shape the defense policies of rising powers. Layered reforms may fail not only when faced by defenders of the status quo; opportunists may suffice to defeat them.
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| 10 |
ID:
158110
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The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.
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| 11 |
ID:
160481
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| Summary/Abstract |
How does maintaining international primacy affect a hegemon's domestic political economy? Debates on hierarchy, retrenchment, and structural power in the global economy are dominating international relations, yet scholars pay limited attention to the second-image reversed consequences of America's global role. The three books under review begin to correct this deficit. Combining their insights uncovers the effects of power politics on an area of substantial public and academic interest: economic inequality. While rising inequality is surely a multicausal outcome, research across the social sciences pinpoints technological change and the financialization of the American economy as fundamental drivers of the recent “redistribution.” These two shifts are generally treated as exogenous shocks in our models; the causal logics of the works under review illustrate that hegemony is the underlying, endogenous force. The analysis indicates a need for political scientists to study the interaction of international and domestic politics as a dynamic process, which would be bolstered by borrowing historical institutionalism's analytic toolkit. Investigating feedback loops and sequencing across both levels of analysis and across issue areas that are currently studied in isolation indicates an agenda that will better integrate security and political economy scholarship.
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| 12 |
ID:
103532
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article develops the insights of historical institutionalism and cognate work within International Relations to examine the development of security institutions within states, dealing specifically with the development of the National Security Council (NSC) in the United States. The case focuses on the creation and reproduction of the NSC as a means to fostering civil-military coordination within the US state. The article argues that exogenous shocks are crucial in providing the necessary freedom to change existing institutions, which are then set on new contingent paths. Substantively, it is argued that World War II and the experiences derived from it provided a critical juncture for the creation of new security institutions such as the NSC, and once created the NSC was characterized by forms of path dependence that have reproduced the institution over time. The article demonstrates how historical institutionalism can clarify causal mechanisms that better explain the origins and durability of internationally oriented security institutions within states.
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| 13 |
ID:
158574
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article integrates insights from different veins of historical institutionalism to offer an analytical framework that specifies how ideas, institutions, and actors account for key aspects of judicial decision-making, including change over time. To the extent that ideas are widely distributed, highly salient, and stable among actors in the judicial field, they can affect patterns of rulings in a particular issue area. The distribution, salience, and stability of norms, however, may change over time for reasons embedded in the institutional structures themselves. Existing policies, laws, or treaties create the potential for new actors to enter the judicial field through processes that theorists of institutional change have identified as intercurrence, displacement, conversion, layering, and drift. New actors can shift the relative salience of ideas already rooted in the judicial field. This ideational salience amplification can alter patterns of judicial decision-making without the fundamental and often costly battles involved in wholesale paradigm change. French high court hate speech decisions provide the context for the development of this framework and serve to illustrate the dynamic. The author uses evidence from an original dataset of every ruling by the French Court of Cassation regarding racist hate speech from 1972 through 2012 to explain the varying propensity of the high court to restrict speech that targets majorities compared to minorities.
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| 14 |
ID:
175815
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| Summary/Abstract |
The selection process leading to the appointment of Antonio Guterres as Secretary-General of the United Nations gave way to unprecedented practices in world politics, such as public hearings with candidates. A textbook case of what historical institutionalism calls “layering,” this episode of institutional development features intriguing puzzles, including its timing, form, and limits. Drawing on historical institutionalism and practice theory, I develop a “pulling” theory of agency that complements intentionalist accounts. The webs of practices that agents find themselves in afford certain actions over others, orienting the push of interests. I infer three mechanisms—relational crossover, competence transfers, and pushback—and show how a set of nine practices, available at the UN in 2015–2016 but not in earlier episodes, account for the specifics of the recent renewal of the Secretary-General's selection procedure. A full explanation of this critical case of institutional change is impossible without understanding how agents struggled with one another under the pull of the UN web of practices, affording some innovations but not others.
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| 15 |
ID:
132528
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey is a negotiating candidate for the EU membership. Though the accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU continue in the official sense, in reality, the relations are in a deadlock. It is often argued that Turkey-EU relations have entered a new era since January 2013, and new optimistic comments have emerged. This paper argues that there exists a pull-push balance in the accession process for the EU that normally attracts candidates and makes them more vulnerable to the EU conditions. The success of the political transformation of eastern European states relied to a large extent on the balanced pull-push accession processes. It is argued here that this balance for Turkey has been deteriorated and this fact has made the EU ineffective in transforming Turkish politics and polity. Therefore, this paper argues for the re-establishment of the balance to improve and normalize Turkey-EU relations.
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| 16 |
ID:
099145
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The topic of nation-building is of enormous significance to both scholars and policymakers. Path dependence, a key theory of historical institutionalism, yields a great deal of insights into the extent to which conditions are favorable for outside actors to impose an institutional framework on a given society. Path dependence reveals several important variables that should be considered carefully in nation-building research. These variables include the effects of conflict on an occupied society, surviving institutions drawn upon by an occupier undertaking a policy of imposed nation-building, and the presence of a clear, salient national identity among the occupied society. This essay explores these variables with respect to four cases of outside-imposed nation-building to show the clearly divergent outcomes and their relationship to the variables of concern to a path dependence approach to the concept. Conclusions here are firmly in line with critiques of liberal peacebuilding as a universal template for imposed development.
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| 17 |
ID:
123612
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| 18 |
ID:
113873
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article differentiates between clientelist (Thailand and the Philippines) and cleavage-based parties and party systems (Malaysia and Indonesia) with reference to insights of historical institutionalism. Clientelist parties, in contrast to cleavage-based ones, often undermine democratization because, on average, representativeness is weak, bureaucracy is more politicized, and rent-seeking behavior is widespread.
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| 19 |
ID:
092904
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2009.
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This article applies a historical institutionalist perspective to an empirical analysis of the sources and characteristics of the institutionalisation of European Union counter-terrorism. Drawing upon the work of Stone Sweet, Sandholtz and Fligstein, this paper critically analyses the impact of external crises in the form of major terrorist attacks on the emergence of counter-terrorism as an area of European governance. It also highlights the key policy and institutional developments, studies the role of policy innovators on the institutionalisation of counter-terrorism and supports the relevance of 'transformative' or 'evolutionary' models for the understanding of institutional change in this domain.
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| 20 |
ID:
154927
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This essay proposes that a turn toward historical analysis is essential for understanding the propensity for either war or peace in contemporary East Asia. It urges scholars to reorient inquiry about this question in terms of temporally sensitive processes of change and continuity, and it expresses reservations about the merits of an “Eastern” turn in international relations theory. This case is made through two supporting tasks. First, it demonstrates that the Asian security literature suffers from a number of shortcomings that stem from an overwhelming orientation toward variable-centered analysis. Second, it proposes that the conceptual tools of historical institutionalism offer a fruitful way to address the theoretical lacunae, logical missteps, and empirical puzzles in Asian security literature. The article concludes by highlighting how a stronger historical institutionalist sensibility could help augment two examples of the most “hardcore” Asian security debate: the security dilemma and a US–China power transition. The logic of historical institutionalism asserts temporality and historiography as crucial sites for not only area studies scholars, but theory testing and development as well.
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