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| 1 |
ID:
140187
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| Summary/Abstract |
Systematic investigation of attitudes expressed in Arabic on Twitter towards the United States and Iran during 2012–13 shows how the analysis of social media can illuminate the politics of contemporary political discourses and generates an informative analysis of anti-Americanism in the Middle East. We not only analyze overall attitudes, but using a novel events-based analytical strategy, we examine reactions to specific events, including the removal of Mohamed Morsi in Egypt, the Innocence of Muslims video, and reactions to possible U.S. intervention in Syria. We also examine the Boston Marathon bombings of April 2013, in which the United States suffered damage from human beings, and Hurricane Sandy, in which it suffered damage from nature. Our findings reinforce evidence from polling that anti-Americanism is pervasive and intense, but they also suggest that this animus is directed less toward American society than toward the impingement of the United States on other countries. Arabic Twitter discourses about Iran are at least as negative as discourses about the United States, and less ambivalent. Anti-Americanism may be a specific manifestation of a more general phenomenon: resentment toward powerful countries perceived as interfering in national and regional affairs.
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| 2 |
ID:
099889
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the end of the Cold War in 1991 to the end of the 2000s, anti-Americanism has passed through different phases in Europe, as well as in other parts of the world: it was modest in the 1990s, it exploded between 2003-2008, then declined after 2008. Although anti-Americanism continues to be rooted in many political cultures and experiences, its emergence in the post Cold War era seemed to be correlated to a United States foreign policy-making process unrestrained by either domestic or international institutions. When domestic and international multilateral checks have been unable to keep under control the exercise of US international power, then anti-Americanism has functioned as a sort of last resort critic on the latter. Anti-Americanism has seemed to be the reaction, more than to controversial foreign policy's decisions, to their unchecked elaboration and unilateral implementation. For world public opinion, the legitimacy of the foreign policy-making process counts more than the latter's outcomes.
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| 3 |
ID:
138297
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| Summary/Abstract |
A pillar of American foreign policy in the Middle East since September 11, 2001, has been promoting democracy, with particular emphasis on support for women's representation. Given high levels of anti-Americanism in the region, does foreign pressure for policy reform undermine this project? Evidence from a nationally representative survey experiment in Jordan shows that an American endorsement of women in politics has no average effect on popular support for women's representation. Instead, domestic patterns of support and opposition to autocrats determine citizens' receptivity to policy endorsements, with policy endorsements of foreign-supported reforms polarizing public opinion. Both foreign and domestic endorsements of women in politics depress support among Jordanians who oppose their regime significantly more than among Jordanians who support it.
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| 4 |
ID:
110154
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| 5 |
ID:
085176
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how the USA's growing 'Holocaust consciousness' has impacted on conservative interpretations of the transatlantic rift. Presenting the Holocaust as an antipode to US national identity has helped signal a moral divergence between the USA and Europe. The instrumentalisation of the Holocaust and anti-Semitism has allowed US conservatives to reframe norms of self-defence, victimisation, and liberation in justifying the invasion and occupation of Iraq. In the wake of Iraq claiming anti-Semitism as a 'European disease', and anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism as 'twin brothers', helps delegitimate European criticism of the war on terror. A new form of exceptionalism portrays the USA not only as the liberator of death camps and the protector of the Jewish people but, after 11 September, as a victim itself.
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| 6 |
ID:
121221
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this article1
is to envisage the evolution of the relations
between Canada and the United States with their southern neighbours,
with the objective of comparing the respective attitudes of the two North
American partners vis-Ã -vis Latin America. Under the administration
of George W. Bush, anti-Americanism intensi?ed worldwide. Nothing
comparable occurred in the case of Canada: as a middle power with a legacy
of peacekeeping initiatives in its recent past, it naturally came to be perceived
in a more positive way. This difference led many to wonder whether Canada
might be contemplated, in the Americas as elsewhere, as representing
somehow a "more acceptable" version of the US. Or at least it did so until
the past few years, during which time it has been said that the elections of
Stephen Harper in 2006 and of Barack Obama in 2008 have brought about
a shift in the two countries' "images." This article seeks to test this claim,
with special reference to the relations of each with Latin America.
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| 7 |
ID:
128019
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| 8 |
ID:
090267
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article tests a series of hypotheses that probe whether the crisis over Iraq has profoundly altered the popular perceptions of the United States abroad. Using survey data from Britain, France, Germany and Russia, this article shows that attitudes towards the United States were primarily shaped by the approval of President George W. Bush and of the American people themselves. More specific misgivings about the use of US power in the world entered into the cognitive calculus only as secondary factors. For substantial portions of the mass publics a dim view of the American people overshadowed all other considerations in the formation of a negative view of the United States. This finding suggests that a change of US administration would not be sufficient per se to alter popular attitudes towards the United States. For that to occur, views of the American people would have to improve as well.
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| 9 |
ID:
088557
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article tests a series of hypotheses that probe whether the crisis over Iraq has profoundly altered the popular perceptions of the United States abroad. Using survey data from Britain, France, Germany and Russia, this article shows that attitudes towards the United States were primarily shaped by the approval of President George W. Bush and of the American people themselves. More specific misgivings about the use of US power in the world entered into the cognitive calculus only as secondary factors. For substantial portions of the mass publics a dim view of the American people overshadowed all other considerations in the formation of a negative view of the United States. This finding suggests that a change of US administration would not be sufficient per se to alter popular attitudes towards the United States. For that to occur, views of the American people would have to improve as well.
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| 10 |
ID:
091572
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anti-Americanism in Pakistan seems to be even worse than in war-torn Muslim countries, and may be more widespread across all sections of Pakistani society than ever before.
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| 11 |
ID:
153578
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article I explore the discursive origins of anti-Americanism or anti-American sentiments in the two Koreas, where the status of postcolonial states was pursued in different ways. I compare two early examples of stories that embodied anti-Americanism, based on discourse analysis in literary criticism: Jackals, written by the North Korean novelist Han Sorya, and Land of Excrement, written by the South Korean novelist Nam Jung-hyun. I emphasize the differences between the two anti-Americanisms in terms of their respective discursive origins. Land of Excrement was reprinted in a North Korean Communist Party bulletin without the author's permission, and he was arrested in 1965. The incident symbolizes the antagonistic relations of the two Koreas as well as the implicit and unofficial linkage between South Korean civil society and the North Korean state.
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| 12 |
ID:
113551
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The battle for public opinion in the Islamic world is an ongoing priority for U.S. diplomacy. The current debate over why many Muslims hold anti-American views revolves around whether they dislike fundamental aspects of American culture and government, or what Americans do in international affairs. We argue, instead, that Muslim anti-Americanism is predominantly a domestic, elite-led phenomenon that intensifies when there is greater competition between Islamist and secular-nationalist political factions within a country. Although more observant Muslims tend to be more anti-American, paradoxically the most anti-American countries are those in which Muslim populations are less religious overall, and thus more divided on the religious-secular issue dimension. We provide case study evidence consistent with this explanation, as well as a multilevel statistical analysis of public opinion data from nearly 13,000 Muslim respondents in 21 countries.
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| 13 |
ID:
067082
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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| Description |
viii, 277p.
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| Standard Number |
1403970742
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050445 | 363.320973/PHA 050445 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
123148
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite many predictions to the contrary, the Republic of Korea (ROK) is currently one of the countries with most pro-American attitudes. We investigate what is behind the extraordinary resilience in US popular standing in an allegedly least likely setting. Using survey data from 2002 and 2007 and a novel methodology, Classification and Regression Tree models, we test whether US standing is: (1) a matter of interests, i.e. a reward that the USA receives because it either provides security or international public goods; or (2) whether it is a matter of image, i.e. the recognition that the USA is a role model to emulate. We find that across a large number of predictors, the Korean public mostly liked the USA because they liked American ways of doing business, which gives support to the image hypothesis. Security interests played a secondary role in shaping US standing, while the provision of international public goods had no impact in the popular assessment of the USA in the ROK.
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| 15 |
ID:
115887
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| 16 |
ID:
138162
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). In doing so, Iran has appeared to be unfazed by the prospect of allying with Russia and China, two countries which have systematically suppressed their Muslim minorities for decades. Similarly, the SCO's Central Asian member states are led by individual leaders who are generally believed to rule in spite of their populations. As a result, Iran's eagerness to join the SCO may appear to contradict its self-promoted image as the champion of Muslim interests, but in reality it sits nicely within its overarching enmity for the USA. Indeed, the SCO is seen as a geopolitical counterweight to the USA. For Iran, this geopolitical opportunity overrides ideological imperatives, with the gap between ideology and geopolitics most evident under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
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| 17 |
ID:
106225
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author challenges the dominant view about the deep roots of anti-Americanism in the Russian mentality. Using historical analysis, paying particular attention to the oscillation of Russian public opinion, he shows that attitudes toward the United States in Russia have mostly been shaped by the ruling elite. The population almost instantly changed its stance toward America under the impact of the media controlled by the government.
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| 18 |
ID:
123152
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| 19 |
ID:
046664
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002.
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| Description |
xii, 196p.
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| Standard Number |
9780195154355
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045841 | 297.72/ESP 045841 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
128905
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