|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
093765
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The voyages of the HMS Doris along the Mediterranean coast near Alexandretta (modern Iskenderun, Turkey) in the winter of 1914-15 had a dramatic effect on the Ottoman Empire that far exceeded the scope of the operations. This article uses British, German, and Turkish archival sources to focus on the ship's operations in the vicinity of Dortyol and on the strategic impact these had on Ottoman perceptions of threats to the empire. The Doris figures prominently in two critical strategic outcomes - the relocation of the Armenians in 1915 and in the activation of three Ottoman army divisions for coastal defence and internal security.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
091995
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article argues that the Turkish experience with democracy may not affer a model for democratization of the Arab states in West Asia and North Africa.It begins with a brief account of institutional and political changes in Turkey since establishment of the modern Turkish Republic.It also explains how historical and structural conditions conducive to Turkey's progression to democracy are absent in much of the Arab world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
163463
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
his article analyses the Turkish nationalist elite’s economic and demographic Turkification policies toward the non-Muslim minorities in the 1920s and 1930s, and argues that the nationalist elite pursued ethnocultural nationalism toward the country’s non-Muslim citizens, while applying civic-territorial nationalism toward Muslim Turks. The article maintains that the nationalist elite, like the Young Turk regime, aimed at forming a national Turkish Muslim businessmen class at the expense of the non-Muslim minorities by pursuing economic and demographic Turkification policies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
093803
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
084077
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Citizenship is generally perceived as a political practice that falls within the historical domain of the nation-state. At least, this is the claim of many nation-states themselves, which disavow the possibility of citizenship outside of their own structures. Rather than concentrate on the organization of citizenship, this article, instead, concentrates on the experience of individual citizens. It explores a wide-ranging sample of Turkish youth's perceptions and practices of citizenship, focusing on three dimensions: citizenship as legal status; citizenship as identity; and citizenship as civic virtue. It argues that individuals' perceptions and experiences of citizenship can be mapped out according to these three dimensions, and, additionally, political affiliation or commitment is the key to young people's preference for any one of these dimensions. Thus the legal status aspect of citizenship was emphasized by liberal and republican young people; nationalist, Islamist and Kurdish youth were concerned for its identity aspects; and the civic virtue aspect was stressed by republican and leftist respondents. However the article also demonstrates that similarly to the experiences of young people themselves, these three aspects of citizenship are not clearly demarcated theoretical domains but are both deeply interrelated and conflicted with each other. The reasons for this lie in the practice and understanding of citizenship facilitated and propagated by the Turkish state.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
139146
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article problematizes the much-used but under-analysed concept of Ottomanism, exploring its discursive evolution from the concept's origins in the nineteenth century to its present practice. Investigating its roots in an elitist multicultural project, the paper examines its integral role as part of the opposing intellectual subculture during the early Republican era and its later re-politicization as ‘neo-Ottomanism’ in Turkey's Özal-era foreign policy. The current practice of ‘banal Ottomanism’ by the AK Party is analysed as a symbolic component of the current re-identification of Turkish society, facilitating the reintroduction of Islamic-Ottomanist traditions into everyday routines.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
092180
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores identity formation across generations among Turkish Americans. The study argues that important differences exist between first and second generation Turkish Americans in regard to the acceptance and assertion of their American and Turkish identities and cultural practices. While first generation Turkish Americans are quite reluctant to assert their American identities, second generation Turkish Americans openly express both their Turkish and American identities, regardless of their religious orientation. Whereas the first generation is more isolated in America no matter the degree of their acculturation, second generation Turkish Americans are much more integrated, as linguistic proficiency and cultural adaptation are less significant barriers to their participation in larger American society. This article also suggests that those second generation Turkish immigrants who feel discriminated against believe that it is their Islamic faith rather than their ethnicity that is the cause of their lack of acceptance by larger American society.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
091861
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
At the first check post at the beginning of Malakand Division, the army thoroughly checks vehicles going towards Swat. They all pass under a U-shaped scanner mounted on a huge truck. The road has been narrowed to a single lane allowing only one vehicle at a time to pass through. On the slightest suspicion, the driver of a vehicle is told to park to the side and allow a soldier to carry out a thorough search.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
146800
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Following the First World War, empires were replaced with nation-states for good and the map of the Middle East was redrawn. Traced back to the final decades of the nineteenth century, Kurdish nationalism did not result in a nation-state in the modern Middle East. Therefore, the Kurds inhabiting the borderlands of the four nation-states of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria came to be perceived as ‘trouble’ by these nation-states. Through the use of a wide array of published and unpublished Kurdish, Turkish, Persian and French archival documents, memoirs and oral and written literary pieces, this article unearths the role of a Kurdish tribal chief by the name of Ferzende in Mount Ararat Revolt in the late 1920s and early 1930s against the Turkish and Iranian nation-states. An exceptional contribution of this study is its exploration of the petition submitted to the Iranian Parliament by Ferzende's wife Besra. This study thus is a fresh contribution to the study of social history of the Middle East from the margins.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
146829
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since its demise, the Ottoman Empire has been repeatedly reinvented. This essay traces the diverse and often unexpected ways that Ottoman history has served divergent political agendas over the past century, exploring the empire’s progression from religious to secular to pious and from multicultural to Turkish to tolerant.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
114264
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is awkward for historians to depict a clear-cut portrayal of Ottoman identity. Scholarly analyses by and large lay emphasis on the Islamic and Turkish character of the Ottoman Empire. However, it would be reductionist to evaluate an empire that lasted for six centuries, on three different continents, with solely monolithic ethno-religious tools. A new approach around the term Rum may help to get rid of this reductionism and to understand the sui generis structure of the Ottoman identity. Instead of focusing on ethnic and religious aspects, this novel approach would add both a territorial dimension of Ottoman hegemony and also a social component regarding the relations between the rulers and the ruled. The Rum, with a meaning above Orthodoxy, Greek or Roman Empire, can highlight the ingredients of Ottoman identity and help to overcome the influence of modern nationalist discourses in historical readings.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
182486
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This account of Koreans in the former Soviet Union describes important discoveries concerning a key hidden story of the Korean people and identity. The paper describes important aspects of Korean life in Central Asia that have been relatively undermined by many scholars in international relations and anthropology. This paper presents a detailed analysis of the history and meaning of the settlement of Korean people in Russia and Central Asia from a multitude of perspectives. Despite the size of the Korean population and its significant contributions to the building of Soviet society, very little has been written about Koreans in the former Soviet Union. In fact, the ethnic Korean group has been one of the largest minority groups in the former Soviet Union, representing an important element of both Soviet and post-Soviet political, social, ethnic, and economic history. This study revealed, once again, the tragic story of Stalin’s deportation of Kan people in Russia and explored an intriguing analysis of the re-encounter of Korean and Turkish people after a millennium and their long, intimate cultural bond. In particular, this study demonstrated that the historical and cultural affinities between Koreans and Central Asians existed long before Stalin’s deportation. Political, economic, social, and linguistic exchanges between Korean people and Turkic people are deeply rooted in the same mythology of Dangun, the legendary founder of the first Korean kingdom of Gojoseon. This reflects the dynamics of success of the Korean people in the former Soviet Union as well as their mutual interest in enhancing relations between Korea and the Turkic states and Siberian region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
085065
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
151323
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to explore the relationship between regional powers and the United Nations (UN) with respect to regional issues by examining UN-Turkish ties concerning the Middle East during the 2000s. Bidding for a leading regional role in the Middle East, especially in the 2000s, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government in Turkey has increasingly used international platforms, including the UN, to gain a significant regional position in the Middle East. Turkey’s relationship with the UN in this respect could provide a relevant example to explore multilateralism and multilateral instruments in Turkey’s perceived regional power role during the last decade. The term “regional power” will be used as a conceptual framework to explore Turkey’s behavioural pattern with respect to the UN in view of the regional-global linkage, as global activism is nearly a standard behaviour of any state with a leading regional power role/claim. In view of this, the period during which Turkey held a temporary seat on the UN Security Council between 2009 and 2010 will be given particular attention in order to identify any significant link or at least any tentative correlations between Turkey’s then-closer involvement in the UN and its regional power role/claim in the Middle East. Moreover, fluctuations recorded in Turkey’s relations with the UN with respect to the Middle East during the last decade will be taken into account to examine a variety of challenges involved in any regional state’s relations with the UN regarding regional issues. Conducting a periodical analysis of Turkey-UN relations with respect to the Middle East could provide some provisional answers regarding both limitations and opportunities related to the future state of relations between any regional power and the most universal organization of world politics.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
169037
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is vital to understand the structural and institutional dynamics behind female empowerment as its realization benefits not only women but also society at large. Drawing on an original, global-level dataset that covers 169 countries between 1960–2014, this article mainly explores the effect of urbanization on women’s empowerment throughout the world. The article argues that urbanization has distinctive effects in different realms of female empowerment in politics, economics, and education, with the biggest impact being in education. The article further states that urbanization has a non-linear effect on women’s empowerment with a diminishing impact at higher levels of urbanization. After certain levels of urbanization, other political and economic factors, such as how democratic and economically affluent a country is, will determine the discrepancies of female empowerment in countries with similar levels of urbanization. To further test the stated hypotheses, the article looks at the Turkish case as a typical example of a patriarchal society with a neoliberal economic order. In light of the global and local level analyses, the paper aims to contribute to extant debates and studies in feminist studies, urban studies, modernization theory, and democratization.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
118455
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|