| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
083925
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
083923
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
083935
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the creation of several new states and territorially defined autonomous councils, different tribes in Northeast India continue to demand the creation of new states and autonomous councils. This is because most tribes in the region are under the impression that an adequate share of political power is a necessary condition for retaining their socio-cultural identities and development. Such cultural and developmental aspirations, though legitimate, face rough weather once they become connected with exclusive administrative boundaries for self-governance. Thus, community conflicts over land and territoriality continue to turn Northeast India into an area of unending unrest and crisis.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
083937
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The 1998 Belfast Agreement brought to an end over three decades of armed conflict in Northern Ireland. This paper summarizes the role of actors within and outside Northern Ireland, and the processes and mechanics of the Agreement itself. The Agreement is placed in the context of previous unsuccessful peace initiatives in the region, and elements within the political and economic environment at the time that facilitated agreement are identified. The consociational nature of the Agreement is set alongside concern about continuing sectarian division. It is argued that the Agreement was as much a product of previous failed attempts and the changed economic and political environment as it was a product of the negotiations. The Belfast Agreement is evaluated and tentative lessons for the Arab-Israeli and other peace processes are delineated.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
083936
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Manipur has witnessed a rise in insurgency-related violence in recent years. Ordinary people are caught in the crossfire between different ethnic insurgent groups and the security forces. This paper examines the ceasefire in neighbouring Nagaland and argues that a similar ceasefire with better monitoring and enforcement could usher in relative peace in Manipur. Since the agreement on suspension of operations with Kuki insurgents is already in force and there is relative calm in Naga areas, an offer of a ceasefire to all groups is likely to bring down violence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
083927
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
083930
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
083932
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
083934
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Improved India-Vietnam relations are guided both by their common historical experiences and their mutual concerns in the post-cold war context. Both have suffered aggression from China in the past and had good relations with the former Soviet Union. In fact, India was the only non-communist country to recognize the unified Vietnam and, ever since, they have had a friendly relationship, one that has stood the test of time. However, in the post-cold war context the shadow of China looms large over this relationship. As India's 'Look East' policy matures, New Delhi is now seeking to engage countries in the Chinese periphery. The changing geostrategic dynamics have also forced Vietnam to forge greater strategic cooperation with India. This paper argues that India has to identify potential additional areas of cooperation and proactively engage Vietnam to further strengthen this relationship.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
083933
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Following the 9/11 attacks on the American homeland, India and Pakistan emerged as important states in the US-led Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The gathering momentum in the Indo-US relations during the Clinton Presidency underwent a dramatic transformation. Although increased cooperation in defence issues is understood to have 'led' the India-US relationship to its current level, it has not culminated in enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation. This perceived lack of cooperation can be located within the perceptual differences on key security issues. This paper seeks to examine whether the upswing in Indo-US relations and claims of heightened cooperation, has led to a commensurate level of counter-terrorism cooperation between both countries.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
083926
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
083928
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
083924
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
083931
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese military modernization and its resulting aggressive posturing have serious implications for Asian stability and Indian security. This article is an attempt to understand the main security challenges from a Chinese perspective; the kind of responses, especially military, that China has undertaken; and the way Chinese military strategy has evolved from Mao's People's War days to a modern hi-tech military force today. In the short run Chinese military objectives appear focused on finding ways to defeat the United States in the event of a conflict between the two countries, possibly over Taiwan. But the long-term consequences of Chinese strategy remain uncertain, at least partly because the rise of China, on which that military power will depend, is itself difficult to predict with certainty.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|