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| 1 |
ID:
137493
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| Publication |
New York, Simon and Schuster, 2015.
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| Description |
xix, 443p.Hbk.
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| Standard Number |
9781476712079
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058169 | 958.104/GRE 058169 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
085257
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| 3 |
ID:
192087
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the US-China great power competition intensifies, public opinion polling may help gauge internal drivers of foreign policy decision-making. Using Pew Research Center data, the authors analyzed how American and Chinese respondents viewed their own and each other’s countries between 2008–2016. They further examined how American attitudes towards China varied by political affiliation between 2008–2019. Both Americans and the Chinese displayed ingroup bias (i.e. rating their own country more positively than the other) and viewed China as a challenger to US hegemony. However, while the Chinese exhibited higher levels of ingroup bias overall, there was no evidence of increasing bias over time. Meanwhile, Americans showed increasing ingroup bias, primarily due to their souring evaluations of China, a tendency that was strongest among Republicans.
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| 4 |
ID:
167511
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article responds to recent research calling for more nuanced discussions of Muslim political and social activist subjectivities (Ahmed 2011; Maira 2016; Mansouri et al. 2016; Nagel and Staeheli 2011). We analyze community and social justice activism among Muslims in Milwaukee through the lens of the American prophetic tradition. We argue that Muslim leaders in Milwaukee represent their activism as part of this tradition, and that they draw upon a complex of religious, social and political discourses and social practices. These include American civil rights activism, Islamically inspired social action, and a desire to engage in placemaking that responds to the specific conditions of Milwaukee, a city that features intense racial segregation, dense pockets of poverty, and increased immigration from the Arabo-Islamic world. Thus, we see a pluralization of Muslim social activist subjectivity: social justice activism which is religiously based, related to the civil rights tradition, and which is also highly attuned to the specific ways in which Muslims may practice a politics of belonging in this Midwestern city.
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| 5 |
ID:
084372
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| 6 |
ID:
086333
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The now-deceased leader of the Anbar Awakening, Sheikh Abd al Sittar Abu Reesha, once said, "Our American friends had not understood us when they came. They were proud, stubborn people and so were we. They worked with the opportunists, now they have turned to the tribes, and this is as it should be."1
Until 2007, the most violent region of insurgent attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq had been al Anbar, the largely rural, expansive western province stretching from the outskirts of Baghdad to Iraq's lengthy, mostly unsecured desert borders with Sunni-dominated Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Syria.2 In what is most easily described as a marriage of convenience, Sunni insurgents and foreign Sunni al Qaeda fighters in al Anbar had formed a strategic and tactical alliance against what was perceived as an occupation by the United States or, more pointedly, against the occupation of a Muslim land by a largely Christian force, a deep affront to traditional Muslim values harkening back to the Crusades of the Middle Ages.3 Iraqis in al Anbar provided local knowledge, logistics, and up to 95 percent of the personnel, while experienced foreign al Qaeda fighters provided training, expertise, and financing. The pitch was simple: "We are Sunni. You are Sunni. The Americans and Iranians are helping the Shi'a - let's fight them together."
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| 7 |
ID:
086162
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2009.
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In 1952, the landscape of American fiction was dominated by a group of literary celebrities who had published their first novels after or near the end of World War II.James Baldwin, Saul Bellow, Truman Capote, Ralph Ellison, Norman Mailer, J.D. Salinger,Gore Vidal: these were the up-and-comers about whom everyone was talking in the days when serious fiction still mattered to the educated public, the ones who were expected to do great things.
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| 8 |
ID:
094082
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2010.
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Some of the most thrilling movies of all time depict imaginary or real thefts of artifacts from well-known museums. Topkapi (1964) is about the theft of the Ottoman Sultan's jewel-encrusted dagger from the Istanbul Museum; Entrapment (1999) is about the world's greatest art thief and his plans for the theft of a highly secured piece of artwork. More realistically, most people tend to turn to a news report on art stolen or recovered before they read their usual daily dose of hard news. Art and artifacts definitely capture the collective imagination. Art is usually viewed as the better dimension of human personality, while art thieves often enjoy a degree of infamy not usually associated with other kinds of felonies.
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| 9 |
ID:
086563
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2009.
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The article begins with an analysis of China's past in terms of the interplay between Confucian teaching, local, or folk, tradition and the impact of foreign culture. There then follows an examination of the current situation in terms of continuity and change, with particular emphasis on alienation and the rise of nationalism in a post-Marxist society. The article concludes with a critique of Wolf Totem.
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| 10 |
ID:
091572
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2009.
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Anti-Americanism in Pakistan seems to be even worse than in war-torn Muslim countries, and may be more widespread across all sections of Pakistani society than ever before.
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| 11 |
ID:
140025
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American extended deterrence commitments span the globe. Despite extensive research on the causes of deterrence successes and failures, evidence of which US allies find what extended deterrence commitments credible is elusive. This article utilizes interviews with former Australian policy-makers to analyze the credibility of the United States to defend Australian forces during the 1999 INTERFET intervention in East Timor. While there was no direct threat to Australian sovereignty, the episode stoked concerns in Canberra regarding the willingness of Washington to come to Australia's assistance. The Howard government coveted a US tripwire force presence, and the Clinton administration's unwillingness to provide this raised serious concerns among Australian political elites about the alliance. While this says little about the separate question of whether Washington would use nuclear or conventional weapons in defense of Australian sovereignty, the Timor case indicates the existence of an extended deterrence credibility deficit regarding the more probable low-intensity conflicts that Australia finds itself in.
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| 12 |
ID:
084661
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| 13 |
ID:
178068
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper poses three related questions. What is white ethno-nationalism as it exists today within the United States, how is this sentiment expressed by particular organizations, and how is it expressed by ordinary people who belong to these organizations? We begin what ethno-nationalism signifies and its relation to other forms of nationalism. We then check how certain indicators are present among supporters of an organization, Blue Lives Matter, which emerged as a reaction to Black Lives Matter. While this movement has framed itself as supportive of police rights, its negative reaction to Black Lives Matter has become a vehicle to express white ethno-nationalism. These views are gauged as a means to understanding the contours of banal white ethnonationalism as opposed to those more strident forms registered by neo-Nazis and KKK members.
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| 14 |
ID:
087050
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2009.
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From an American (and Western) perspective, two threats predominate in today's world. The first is that of anti-Western political extremism, whether in the form of terrorist groups or rogue states.
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| 15 |
ID:
084373
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| 16 |
ID:
110240
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2012.
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What impact does ideology have on American attitudes and policy preferences toward China? Based on two large N surveys, we first utilize exploratory factor analysis to uncover six distinct American ideological dimensions and two distinct dimensions of attitudes toward China that distinguish between its government and its people. We then utilize structural equation modeling to explore how attitudes toward the Chinese people (i.e. prejudice) and attitudes toward the Chinese government differentially mediate relationships between ideological beliefs, on the one hand, and Americans' China policy preferences, on the other. Results suggest both direct and indirect effects of ideology on policy preferences, with the latter effects being differentially mediated by prejudice and attitudes toward the Chinese government.
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| 17 |
ID:
089214
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The premise of my presidential address, and now this published version of the talk, is that domestic partisan, the struggle for power at home, has played, and no doubt continues to play, a substantial role in the making and direction of American foreign policy.
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| 18 |
ID:
092180
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2009.
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This article explores identity formation across generations among Turkish Americans. The study argues that important differences exist between first and second generation Turkish Americans in regard to the acceptance and assertion of their American and Turkish identities and cultural practices. While first generation Turkish Americans are quite reluctant to assert their American identities, second generation Turkish Americans openly express both their Turkish and American identities, regardless of their religious orientation. Whereas the first generation is more isolated in America no matter the degree of their acculturation, second generation Turkish Americans are much more integrated, as linguistic proficiency and cultural adaptation are less significant barriers to their participation in larger American society. This article also suggests that those second generation Turkish immigrants who feel discriminated against believe that it is their Islamic faith rather than their ethnicity that is the cause of their lack of acceptance by larger American society.
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| 19 |
ID:
093685
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2010.
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The public's inability to gain direct personal experience or information about American military operations means that individuals must rely on cues to form opinions about war. But in an environment filled will potential cues, which ones do Americans tend to rely on when deciding whether to support an ongoing military operation? This experimental study uses two distinct cues within the context of a newspaper story about the Iraq War to test four theoretical models of the American public's reliance on cues. The results provide fairly consistent support for the "surprising events" model of opinion formation, which suggests that individuals will attend to news events that conflict with their expectations in an effort to update their attitudes toward the war. These results also provide support for the cost/benefit perspective on the formation of public opinion toward war that underpins much of the literature on casualty tolerance during military conflicts.
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| 20 |
ID:
149356
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