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| 1 |
ID:
164091
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| 2 |
ID:
084191
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| 3 |
ID:
098868
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is abundant literature in the United States on the images that the Americans hold of China, particularly regarding how the China image has evolved over time and the possible impacts of the China image on US-China relations. It will be interesting to figure out the other side of the coin, that is, how the Chinese view the United States and whether the US image plays any part in their foreign-policy preferences toward the United States. Research in this direction needs an interdisciplinary exploration into areas of international relations theory, social psychology, and public opinion analysis.
Various international relations theories give contrasting answers to the question whether national image really matters in foreign-policy decision-making. There is no place for national image in structural realism. Systemic constructivism as expounded by Wendt focuses on the static concept of identity rather than the dynamic one of national image. On the other hand, when scholars dig into the microscopic world of foreign-policy decision-making, images of other countries, among other things, are an important explanatory factor.1
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| 4 |
ID:
106820
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| 5 |
ID:
189198
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| Summary/Abstract |
EVENTS around Ukraine have naturally overshadowed many other aspects of life in other countries, including the US, where the results of the 20-year war in Afghanistan became a hot topic in late 2021. But it seems that this topic will inevitably be revisited as the most recent experience of direct military operations by the US Armed Forces.
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| 6 |
ID:
160145
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| Summary/Abstract |
If a conflict breaks out in Asia or Europe, an adversary of the United States and its allies may believe it can conduct limited nuclear strikes and, rather than precipitate its own destruction, win the war.
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| 7 |
ID:
138726
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| 8 |
ID:
162546
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the security relationship between the US and Europe, focusing on potential spillin effects of US military expenditures on European demand for military expenditures during the early twenty-first century. The goal is to test whether or not European states view US expenditures as a complement or as a substitute to their own military expenditures. Past work in this area has found mixed results concerning the effect of US military expenditures, but focus strictly on the spillins within a formal alliance, specifically NATO, and use a time series dominated by Cold War dynamics. This study differentiates itself by accounting for both US total military expenditures and its regional expenditures through incorporation of US military base and personnel deployments across Europe. Additionally, this paper uses government revenue in its estimation to mitigate potential endogeneity. Findings using Arellano–Bond dynamic panel analysis suggest that there is a strong probability of substitution among European states.
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| 9 |
ID:
092521
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| 10 |
ID:
108331
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| 11 |
ID:
168040
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| Summary/Abstract |
AT THE height of Bahrain’s riots and protests in 2011 and 2012, some, including certain figures in the U.S. government, argued that Bahrain’s royal family had to give way to the protesters’ demands or be swept away by the tides of history. They were wrong. The protests were suppressed; the parties that voiced their demands were banned and their leaders jailed. Bahrain is recovering economically. Repression, it was observed, worked.
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| 12 |
ID:
167607
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| Summary/Abstract |
Are the United States (US) and China destined to fall into a ‘Thucydides trap’ of power transitions leading to great power conflict? This study explores how the intersubjective perception of media-disseminated narratives of US–China interdependence may shape the likelihood of war. In two randomized online experiments, we manipulated ordinary Americans’ perceptions of US–China relations with real CNN video clips that narrated a US–China power transition as either positive or zero sum. Across both experiments, more zero-sum narratives boosted perceived US–China competition, increasing intergroup mistrust, anger and subsequent desires for a tougher China policy. The second study also revealed that individual differences in nationalism and uncertainty avoidance moderated the effects of the perception of media narratives on mistrust and anger. Viewers actively interpret media they are exposed to. These findings empirically demonstrate the power of narratives: specifically, they reveal the psychological mechanisms linking structural changes in the balance of power to the individual-level processes that may determine great power war and peace.
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| 13 |
ID:
192457
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE world is gripped by unprecedented interest in artificial intelligence (AI). Articles, books, conferences, and seminars on AI are multiplying exponentially. More importantly, so are AI-based machines, mechanisms, and tools, which are used in practically every industry.
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| 14 |
ID:
187213
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Japan’s security alignments with key Asian and European partners, notably Australia, India, the UK, France and the EU itself. The articles explores Tokyo’s strategic expectations with regard to each of the five partnerships, as well as probing the likely future evolution of these alignments by providing a comparative perspective. Japan’s alignments with Australia and India conform with and supplement the US-Japan alliance, addressing Japan’s primary geostrategic concerns in the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region. Tokyo’s security partnerships with the European partners, and the EU, are more recent and not rooted in any US-led alliance in Asia. The degree of traditional kinetic military power these European players can bring to Asia is very limited. However, the pace with which Japan’s new European alignments are quickly moving beyond the non-traditional security areas to encompass more traditional defence and military-security fields attests to their potential of evolving in the future into mechanisms able to perform a broad range of security functions in response to complex security threats. The boundaries between these two categories of partnerships are likely to be further blurred, providing Japan with various mechanisms at different levels to shape and influence the regional and global security environment.
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| 15 |
ID:
143842
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| Summary/Abstract |
While China and the United States (US) have recognised the strategic significance of the re-emergence of Asia, India has yet to see itself as one of the two centres of gravity in Asia, as has been the case throughout civilisation, having close trade links with Africa.
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| 16 |
ID:
138740
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This article assesses Britain's contemporary relationship with Afghanistan, its goals and interests there, and its possible post-2014 role. It is argued that Britain might continue to play a limited but non-negligible military, intelligence, fiscal, and diplomatic role, even as British policymakers are increasingly bound by fiscal and domestic political constraints.
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| 17 |
ID:
143016
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Discussions about the requirements for U.S. extended deterrence and assurance are making a comeback. During the Cold War, U.S. analysts focused primarily on Western Europe, but in recent years the challenges of extended deterrence and assurance have been starker in Northeast Asia. Discussing the requirements for U.S. extended deterrence and assurance involves asking how the United States can deter its adversaries and assure its allies. In both cases, the critical factor is perception. According to analysts Clark Murdock and Jessica Yeats, “In the same way that deterrence must be tailored to each actor, situation, and form of warfare, assurance must be tailored to the strategic culture, threat perceptions, values, and specific concerns of each ally.”
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| 18 |
ID:
138093
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This article explains cooperation problems between powerful democratic states and weak non-democratic states in the context of nuclear nonproliferation. Focusing on the interactions of the United States with North Korea, Iran, and Libya, it suggests that power asymmetry and information asymmetry foster mutual distrust by exacerbating two main strategic obstacles to cooperation: the time inconsistency of the stronger state’s policy and the incomplete information regarding the nondemocratic states. The nature of negotiations over nuclear weapons programs further exacerbates these problems. The overall implications of this article leave us pessimistic about the possibility of negotiated nuclear disarmament, but the theoretical analysis may help the negotiation strategy of the United States.
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| 19 |
ID:
145949
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| Summary/Abstract |
The next Administration will want to examine the last 15 years of strategic performance to improve sound strategy options and to promote timely re-assessment and adaptation of approved policies and strategies. Building off of two recent studies of U.S. decisionmaking and policy implementation at the strategic level, this article examines proposals to enhance the quality of policy making and implementation oversight mechanisms at the National Security Council. Major recommendations are offered to improve interagency planning and the creation of an inter-agency community of national security professionals.
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| 20 |
ID:
099378
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